Insiders and Outsiders: Women's Movements and Organizational Effectiveness*

Abstract

L'efficacité organisationnelle des mouvements de la femme au Canada et en Finlande est explorée, en mettant l'accent sur l'élaboration de politiques sur la garde des enfants (1960–1990) et en tenant compte des contraintes structurelles qui sont particu‐lieres a chaque pays. Les résultats de l'efficacité des organismes féministes et axés sur la femme sont etudiés sur trois plans (programmes, mobilisation et culture). Les organismes feminins de Finlande ont été plus efficaces sur les trois plans, tandis que les organismes féminins du Canada ont obtenu des résultats sur le plan culturel mais demeurent limités sur les deux autres plans. Le succès plus considérable dans l'atteinte des objectifs des femmes finlandaises résulte de leur position politique privilégiée ainsi que de leur plus grande aptitude à créer des alliances avec des organismes extérieurs et, plus important encore, avec d'autres organismes féminins. The organizational effectiveness of women's movements in Canada and Finland is explored, with a focus on child‐care policy development (1960–1990), and with consideration of country‐specific structural constraints. Three effectiveness outcomes (program, mobilization and cultural) of feminist and woman‐centred organizations are examined. Finnish women's organizations have been more effective in all three dimensions, whereas Canadian women's organizations have produced cultural outcomes but remain limited in the other two dimensions. Finnish women's superior goal attainment is a result of their political insider position and their greater ability to create alliances with outside organizations and, more importantly, among women's organizations.

‘We were fighting for our place’: Resisting gender knowledge regimes through feminist knowledge network formation

“…Regular annual funding of SIGs was subsequently negotiated and agreed. In bringing outsider perspectives to ISBE we are mindful that it can be difficult for insiders and outsiders to create ‘mutual understanding and alliances’ (Tyyskä, , p. 403). However, since that early clash, we now find a willingness to engage and collaborate.…”

Conflictual and cooperative childcare politics in Canada

“…Tyyska's (1998) focus on Finland, as well as Ball and Charles' (2006) on Wales, found that female political insiders (whether through direct participation or powerful blocs in national politics) created new opportunities for activists to influence childcare policy change. In Sweden and West Germany, Naumann (2005) showed that public childcare mobilization is affected by differences in the political opportunities under which feminists develop their claims and in their collective identity formation as a feminist organization.…”

“…Second, the CCCF has always had paid staff, though they experienced defunding and downsizing following the election of the Conservative government in 2006 . Finally, as a result of its governance structure, membership base and the increasing constraints of charitable status, the CCCF has adopted an 'insider' (Briskin and Eliasson 1993;Tyyska 1998) approach to working with government, keeping its public position neutral and strictly non-partisan. In contrast, members of the CCAAC (which have not registered charity status) is governed by a board of directors with elected representatives from provincial and territorial grassroots childcare SMOs.…”

Women's organizations are different: their response to shifts in Canadian policy

“…In others, they encompass both feminist organizations and non-feminist organizations (e.g. Tyyska, 1998;Bordt, 1997). Some researchers include only "separatist" organizations such as radical feminist groups in this category (e.g.…”