Initial conditions at Emancipation: The long-run effect on black–white wealth and earnings inequality

White, T. Kirk

doi:10.1016/j.jedc.2006.12.001

Cited by 14 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 26 publications

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“…Studies have also examined whether racially differential allocations of resources during the U.S. antebellum period have had lasting impacts on Black-White differences in socioeconomic status (Sacerdote 2005; White 2007). This type of research helps in assessing the long-term effects of policies and other societal characteristics on disparities.…”

Section: Structural Racism: Selected Examplesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Prior research on intergenerational drag has focused on how factors such as educational attainment or wealth of one generation contribute to population level socioeconomic disparities in a subsequent generation (Heckman and Payner, 1989; Margo 1990). Studies have also examined whether racially differential allocations of resources during the U.S. antebellum period have had lasting impacts on Black-White differences in socioeconomic status (Sacerdote 2005; White 2007). This type of research helps in assessing the long-term effects of policies and other societal characteristics on disparities.…”

Section: Structural Racism: Selected Examplesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Structural Racism and Health Inequities

2011

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Racial minorities bear a disproportionate burden of morbidity and mortality. These inequities might be explained by racism, given the fact that racism has restricted the lives of racial minorities and immigrants throughout history. Recent studies have documented that individuals who report experiencing racism have greater rates of illnesses. While this body of research has been invaluable in advancing knowledge on health inequities, it still locates the experiences of racism at the individual level. Yet, the health of social groups is likely most strongly affected by structural, rather than individual, phenomena. The structural forms of racism and their relationship to health inequities remain under-studied. This article reviews several ways of conceptualizing structural racism, with a focus on social segregation, immigration policy, and intergenerational effects. Studies of disparities should more seriously consider the multiple dimensions of structural racism as fundamental causes of health disparities.

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Section: Structural Racism: Selected Examplesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Structural Racism: Selected Examplesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Structural Racism and Health Inequities

2011

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“…These norms required Blacks to behave deferentially or face reprisal (Higgs 1977 As specified my theoretical model pertains to labor income. To incorporate wealth properly requires modeling intergenerational transfers and consumption-savings decisions (White 2007). I shall leave the extension for another day but will review here the evolution of racial differences in wealth as far as it is known.…”

Section: Interpreting the Time Series: Intergenerational Transmissionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Obama, Katrina, and the Persistence of Racial Inequality

Margo¹

2016

J. Econ. Hist.

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New benchmark estimates of Black-White income ratios for 1870, 1900, and 1940 are combined with standard post-World War census data. The resulting time series reveals that the pace of racial income convergence has generally been steady but slow, quickening only during the 1940s and the modern Civil Rights era. I explore the interpretation of the time series with a model of intergenerational transmission of inequality in which racial differences in causal factors that determine income are very large just after the Civil War and which erode slowly across subsequent generations.“The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line.”—W. E. B. Du Bois,The Souls of Black Folk

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“…Unfortunately little work has been done to quantitatively understand the sources of this persistent difference across race groups. [See White (2003) for a study of how much of current black-white income and wealth inequality can be explained by initial conditions at Emancipation. ] There is also a large difference in wealth holdings between entrepreneurs and nonentrepreneurs, as shown in Table 3 [taken from Cagetti and De Nardi (2006)].…”

Section: Wealth Concentration In the United Statesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Unfortunately little work has been done to quantitatively understand the sources of this persistent difference across race groups. (See White [92] for a study of how much of current black-white income and wealth inequality can be explained by initial conditions at Emancipation. )…”

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confidence: 99%

Wealth Inequality: Data and Models

2008

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In the United States wealth is highly concentrated and very unequally distributed: the richest 1% hold one third of the total wealth in the economy. Understanding the determinants of wealth inequality is a challenge for many economic models. We summarize some key facts about the wealth distribution and what economic models have been able to explain so far. * We gratefully acknowledge financial support from NSF grants (respectively) SES-0318014 and SES-0317872. We are grateful to Marco Bassetto, Wojciech Kopczuk and an anonymous referee for helpful comments. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, the Federal Reserve System, or the NSF.

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Initial conditions at Emancipation: The long-run effect on black–white wealth and earnings inequality

Cited by 14 publications

References 26 publications

Structural Racism and Health Inequities

Structural Racism and Health Inequities

Obama, Katrina, and the Persistence of Racial Inequality

Wealth Inequality: Data and Models

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