Informing adult acquisition debates: N-Drop at the initial state of L3 Brazilian Portuguese

Amaro, Jennifer Cabrelli; Iverson, Michael; Judy, Tiffany

doi:10.1515/9783110215359.2.177

Cited by 17 publications

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“…If the acquisition of new properties in adulthood implies continued access to UG, this evidence supports the notion that these learners were not subject to a maturationally-conditioned critical period for language learning. This contributes to similar results of other studies demonstrating the transfer of an L2 acquired in adulthood into the L3 (e.g., Cabrelli-Amaro, Iverson & Judy, 2009; Falk & Bardel, 2011; García Mayo & Villareal Olaizola, 2011: Jaensch, 2011; Montrul et al, 2011; Rothman, 2011), including poverty-of-the-stimulus properties (Guijarro-Fuentes, Iverson, Judy & Rothman, 2008).…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 88%

Transfer at the initial stages of L3 Brazilian Portuguese: A look at three groups of English/Spanish bilinguals

2014

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This study examines three formal linguistic acquisition models of third language (L3) acquisition in the context of Brazilian Portuguese (BP), specifically examining Differential Object Marking (DOM). The main goal is to determine which of the models is best able to predict and explain syntactic transfer in three experimental groups: mirror-image groups of first/second language (L1/L2) English/Spanish bilinguals (i) L1 English/L2 Spanish and (ii) L1 Spanish/L2 English, and (iii) heritage Spanish/English bilinguals. The data provide evidence to support the Typological Primacy Model (Rothman, 2010, 2011, 2013), which predicts Spanish transfer irrespective of its status as an L1, L2 or bilingual first language (2L1). Additionally, the heritage speaker and L1 English group results, taken together, provide evidence for Iverson's (2009) claim that comparing such populations adds independent supportive evidence that the acquisition of linguistic features or properties in an L2 acquired past puberty is not subject to a maturational critical period.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 88%

Transfer at the initial stages of L3 Brazilian Portuguese: A look at three groups of English/Spanish bilinguals

2014

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“…These descriptive remarks probably account for the adoption of scalar grammaticality judgement tasks in numerous L2A studies (e.g. Cabrelli-Amaro, Iverson, & Judy, 2009; de Garavito, 2006; Hirakawa, 2006; Montrul, Foote, & Perpiñán, 2008; Valenzuela, 2006, to name just a few). Though the task is named ‘grammaticality judgement’, a range of terms have been used on the scale, e.g.…”

mentioning

confidence: 88%

Acquisition of English number agreement: L1 Cantonese–L2 English–L3 French speakers versus L1 Cantonese–L2 English speakers

Tsang

2016

International Journal of Bilingualism

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Purpose: Drawing on the notions of ‘interface’ and ‘cross-linguistic influence’ in second language acquisition (L2A), the present study addresses the possible role of French as a third language (L3) in the L2A of English number agreement with two major concerns: (1) the degree to which third language acquisition (L3A) will bring about any positive or negative influence on L2A, and (2) the way in which an L3 interacts with L2 and/or even L1 on narrow syntax or an internal interface as identified in L2A. Design: To address the research concerns, a comparison was made between 48 L1 Cantonese–L2 English–L3 French (CEF) participants and 46 L1 Cantonese–L2 English (CE) participants. Twenty English native controls were also recruited. All participants completed two timed tasks: a grammaticality judgement-correction task and a free writing task. After the experiment proper, the grammatical component of the Oxford placement test, consisting of 60 items, was administered to the two groups of L1 Cantonese speakers. Data and analysis: The following tests were run: the Wilcoxon signed ranks test, the Mann–Whitney U test, the Kruskal–Wallis one-way analysis of variance, the non-parametric x2-test and the two-sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov test. Findings/conclusions: While the placement test indicated comparable English levels between the two L1 Cantonese groups, the free writing task revealed certain distinctive patterns, suggesting possible influence from L3 French to L2 English among the CEF participants. In particular, the advanced L3 French participants were different from their L3 French peers and the CE participants in their free production of grammatical nominal plurals. Originality: The study highlights the potential of reverse cross-linguistic influence from L3 to L2 among L1 Cantonese speakers. Significance/implications: Possible traces of L3 French–L2 English effect were noted in affecting the CEF learners’ use of English plural morphology by ‘neutralising’ their production of missing or redundant plural ‘-s’. Typological similarities between French and English and L3 proficiency were found to play a role in such transfers.

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“…The field of L3 acquisition endeavors to uncover the dynamic nature of acquisition appealed to just above, where the Spanish and Portuguese pairing has proved prominent in this emerging endeavor (e.g. Cabrelli Amaro, Iverson, & Judy, 2009;Carvalho & da Silva, 2006;Iverson, 2009Iverson, , 2010Rothman, 2010;Salaberry, 2005).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the structural basis of non-redundant acquisition

Rothman

Giancaspro

Halloran

2014

Portuguese-Spanish Interfaces

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This chapter has two goals: (a) to discuss the Spanish-Portuguese interface in current formal language acquisition research and (b) to highlight the contributions of this language pairing in the emerging field of formal third language acquisition. The authors discuss two L3 acquisition studies (Montrul, Dias, & Santos, 2011; Giancaspro, Halloran, & Iverson, in press) examining Differential Object Marking, a morphological case marker present in Spanish but not in Portuguese, arguing that the results show how data from Spanish-English bilinguals learning Brazilian Portuguese as an L3 illuminate the deterministic role of structural and typological similarity in linguistic transfer. The data provide supportive evidence for only one of three existing L3 transfer models:

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Informing adult acquisition debates: N-Drop at the initial state of L3 Brazilian Portuguese

Cited by 17 publications

References 0 publications

Transfer at the initial stages of L3 Brazilian Portuguese: A look at three groups of English/Spanish bilinguals

Transfer at the initial stages of L3 Brazilian Portuguese: A look at three groups of English/Spanish bilinguals

Acquisition of English number agreement: L1 Cantonese–L2 English–L3 French speakers versus L1 Cantonese–L2 English speakers

On the structural basis of non-redundant acquisition

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