Abstract:Despite the decline in group inequality and the rapid expansion of the black middle class in the United States, major urban centers with significant black populations continue to exhibit extreme levels of racial separation. Using a theoretical framework in which individuals care both about the level of affluence and the racial composition of their communities, we show that no monotonic relationship exists between narrowing racial income disparities and segregation even when all households prefer somewhat integ… Show more
“…However, here we show that group selection can lead to the evolution of altruistic punishment in larger groups because the problem of deterring free riders in the case of altruistic cooperation is fundamentally different from the problem of deterring free riders in the case of altruistic punishment. This asymmetry arises because the payoff disadvantage of altruistic cooperators relative to defectors is independent of the frequency of defectors in the population, whereas the cost disadvantage for those engaged in altruistic punishment declines as defectors become rare because acts of punishment become very infrequent (13). Thus, when altruistic punishers are common, individual level selection operating against them is weak.…”
Both laboratory and field data suggest that people punish noncooperators even in one-shot interactions. Although such ''altruistic punishment'' may explain the high levels of cooperation in human societies, it creates an evolutionary puzzle: existing models suggest that altruistic cooperation among nonrelatives is evolutionarily stable only in small groups. Thus, applying such models to the evolution of altruistic punishment leads to the prediction that people will not incur costs to punish others to provide benefits to large groups of nonrelatives. However, here we show that an important asymmetry between altruistic cooperation and altruistic punishment allows altruistic punishment to evolve in populations engaged in one-time, anonymous interactions. This process allows both altruistic punishment and altruistic cooperation to be maintained even when groups are large and other parameter values approximate conditions that characterize cultural evolution in the small-scale societies in which humans lived for most of our prehistory.
“…However, here we show that group selection can lead to the evolution of altruistic punishment in larger groups because the problem of deterring free riders in the case of altruistic cooperation is fundamentally different from the problem of deterring free riders in the case of altruistic punishment. This asymmetry arises because the payoff disadvantage of altruistic cooperators relative to defectors is independent of the frequency of defectors in the population, whereas the cost disadvantage for those engaged in altruistic punishment declines as defectors become rare because acts of punishment become very infrequent (13). Thus, when altruistic punishers are common, individual level selection operating against them is weak.…”
Both laboratory and field data suggest that people punish noncooperators even in one-shot interactions. Although such ''altruistic punishment'' may explain the high levels of cooperation in human societies, it creates an evolutionary puzzle: existing models suggest that altruistic cooperation among nonrelatives is evolutionarily stable only in small groups. Thus, applying such models to the evolution of altruistic punishment leads to the prediction that people will not incur costs to punish others to provide benefits to large groups of nonrelatives. However, here we show that an important asymmetry between altruistic cooperation and altruistic punishment allows altruistic punishment to evolve in populations engaged in one-time, anonymous interactions. This process allows both altruistic punishment and altruistic cooperation to be maintained even when groups are large and other parameter values approximate conditions that characterize cultural evolution in the small-scale societies in which humans lived for most of our prehistory.
“…The size of mutually optimal groups in this case has to be smaller than e n(c). If c is (weakly) below c ; k A max (c) + k B max (c) is above e n(c): This implies that when agents consider adding agents to their group to gain more contributions, the constraints 16 Recall our assumption that d(n) 6 = c for all n: It then follows that d(ñ + 1) > c.…”
Section: Mutually Optimal Groupsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We show that the structure of mutually optimal groups depends crucially on the relative size of contribution and connection costs with respect to one another. Denote by e n(c) the maximal integer such that d(n) < c. 16 If d(n) < c for all n, we denote e n(c) = 1:…”
Section: Mutually Optimal Groupsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…6 For example, it has been empirically documented how improvements in public goods tend to increase the size of a community (Banzhaf and Walsh, 2008). See also Rhode and Strumpf (2003) and Sethi and Somanathan (2004). changes in the public good o¤erings when contemplating a deviation to a di¤erent community.…”
Abstract.This paper studies the formation of peer groups entailing the joint production of public goods. In our model agents choose their peers and have to pay a connection cost for each member added to the group. After groups are formed, each agent selects a public project to make a costly contribution to, and all members of the group experience the bene…ts of these contributions. Since agents di¤er in how much they value one project relative to the other, the group's preferences a¤ect the generated pro…le of public goods. We characterize mutually optimal groups, groups that are optimal for all their members. When contribution costs are low relative to connection costs, mutually optimal groups must be su¢ ciently homogeneous. As contribution costs increase relative to connection costs, agents desire more connections, which in turn raises the risk of free riding. Extreme peers are then more appealing, since they are more willing to contribute, and polarization arises.
“…Gans 1962, Coulson 1968, Heinritz and Lichtenberger 1991, Knox 1995, in the more recent literature relatively little attention has been paid to demographic segregation. Analysis of segregation in North American cities has typically been concerned with ethnic groups (Sethi andSomanathan 2004, Johnston et al 2007) or the tenure status (Hoff and Sen 2005). In Europe, the main attention has been paid to socioeconomic disparities (e.g.…”
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