Inequalities in Personal Possessions: Explanations for and Judgments about Unequal Distribution

Abstract

This study examines concepts about and evaluations of the unequal distribution of personal possessions. As an exploratory study, its purpose was to map the dimensions of (a) explanations for the existence of unequal distribution and (b) judgments or evaluations of inequality. Interview questions were administered to (a) 150 Americans, 30 at each of five age levels (kindergarten, second, fifth, and eleventh grades, and 40- to 50-year-old adults), and to (b) 120 Israelis, 60 from the kibbutz and 60 from the city (in each case, 30 of kindergarten age and 30 of fifth grade age). A content analysis was performed on the interview responses. The general developmental trend in explanations for the existence of unequal distribution was for (a) both differential amounts of money and differential preferences and needs to be frequent explanations at all ages, (b) differential acquisition explanations to become increasingly active in nature (e.g., working, earning), and (c) an increasing recognition that unequal distribution is due to circumstances beyond the individual’s control. The main cultural difference in reasons given for unequal distribution occurred for fifth graders, where both Israeli groups mentioned differential work and achievement, as a major reason for the existence of inequality, whereas this reason was not frequent among Americans until older age levels. With respect to evaluations of unequal distribution, the youngest two age levels had difficulty making any evaluative statements at all, but those few they made tended to be negative. Fifth graders and high school students also judged unequal distribution more negatively than positively, and only the adults gave as many positive as negative evaluations. The principal difference between cultural groups was that a greater number of kibbutz children stated explicitly that they were indifferent to unequal distribution. There were also a number of smaller developmental and cultural differences, and the general pattern of results is interpreted as reflecting different experiential histories with inequality.

Relativistic and Dialectical Thought in Three Adult Age-Groups

“…1978;King et al, 1983;Langford, 1975;Murphy and Gilligan, 1980;Perry, 1970;Sinnott, 1983] or indirectly [Arlin, 1975, andHartley, 1980, on problem finding; Commons et al, 1982, on metasystematic operations;Powell. 1980, on category operations;and Furby, 1979, on rea soning about unequal distribution]. Some of these studies have found increasing inci dences of relativistic and/or dialectical thought with entrance into early adulthood, both longitudinally [King et al, 1983] and cross-sectionally [Basseches, 1980;Com mons et al, 1982;Furby, 1979;Olsen et al, 1982] or with entrance into middle-age [Bas seches, 1980], Others have found no such dif ferences [Hartley, 1980;Powell, 1980;Sin nott, 1983].…”

“…1980, on category operations;and Furby, 1979, on rea soning about unequal distribution]. Some of these studies have found increasing inci dences of relativistic and/or dialectical thought with entrance into early adulthood, both longitudinally [King et al, 1983] and cross-sectionally [Basseches, 1980;Com mons et al, 1982;Furby, 1979;Olsen et al, 1982] or with entrance into middle-age [Bas seches, 1980], Others have found no such dif ferences [Hartley, 1980;Powell, 1980;Sin nott, 1983]. Still others provided no numer ical or statistical data by which to make an adequate judgement regarding possible age differences [Broughton, 1978;Furby, 1979;Langford, 1975;Perry, 1970;Murphy and Gilligan, 1980], although age-related progres sions were reported for a number of these studies [Broughton, 1978;Perry, 1970;Mur phy and Gilligan, 1980].…”

“…Some studies failed to use blind scoring [i.c., Basseches. 1980;Commons et al, 1982;Olsen et al, 1982;Sinnott, 1983] or do not provide the reader with enough information to determine whether blind scoring was used [i.e., Hartley, 1980;Furby, 1979;Langford, 1975;Olsen et al, 1982;Powell, 1980], In a number of cross-sectional studies, poor matching be tween age-groups was used, potentially con founding such factors as educational and ability level [i.e., Basseches, 1980;Commons et al, 1982;Olsen et al, 1982] and gender [i.e., Basseches, 1980]. Even in the longitudi nal studies, it is hard to determine whether the results were due to age-related or educa tional-related changes [i.e.. King el al., 1983;Perry, 1970], and in fact one well-designed study points to educational experience as the more crucial factor [Strange and King, 1982].…”

Economic (in)equality and sustainability: preschool children’s views of the economic situation of other children in the world

“…Their mum and dad don't have much money' (Child # 40). A number of studies conducted in the previous century have also found that by the age of six, children develop some awareness about social and economic issues related to people who live in foreign countries (Barrett & Short, 1992;Furby, 1979;Jahoda, 1962;Lambert & Klineberg, 1967;Piaget & Weil, 1951). However, a few (5.7%) of the children stated that they did not know whether all children could afford to buy new toys from a shop or not.…”

“…A number of studies that were conducted in the previous century have shown that by the age of six, children develop a level of awareness regarding the social and economic issues related to other people, who belong to various national groups, and they also acquire some knowledge of and belief about foreign countries and people (Barrett & Short, 1992;Furby, 1979;Jahoda, 1962;Lambert & Klineberg, 1967;Piaget & Weil, 1951). However, no recent studies were identified that investigated preschool children's knowledge or views of the lives, well-being and economic conditions of children who live in other countries.…”