Individuals in Time

Arche, María J.

doi:10.1075/la.94

Cited by 60 publications

(27 citation statements)

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“…For the purpose of clarification, it should be emphasized that the approach presented here only addresses the domain of inner aspect (Travis, 1991;MacDonald, 2006MacDonald, , 2008Arche, 2006;Arsenejević, 2006), also referred to as situation aspect (Smith, 1991) or Aktionsart (Tenny & Pustejovsky, 2000). As opposed to outer aspect, inner aspect is concerned with how a predicate of the VP type describes the internal structure of an event.…”

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confidence: 97%

Lexical coding vs. syntactic marking of homogeneity

Müller

2014

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The purpose of this article is to substantiate the claim that the semantic feature of homogeneity manifests itself differently in different languages. By contrasting data from Spanish and Danish it is shown that homogeneity is lexically coded in Danish nouns, whereas Spanish nouns are lexically neutral to homogeneity. In Spanish the homogeneity interpretation of nouns is determined when they are inserted into a syntactic structure. The empirical relevance of this assumption is assessed by investigating syntactic and semantic aspects related to the occurrence of bare nominals in object position in the two languages under scrutiny. It is well-known that Spanish as a canonical pattern does not semantically license bare singular nouns with count interpretation (BNs) in object position, viz. #Juan repara coche[Juan repairs car], while in Danish the occurrence of BNs in object position is both possible and normal, viz.Ole maler hus[Ole paints house]. It is argued that this contrast is a predictable consequence of the premise that, in Spanish, transitive activity verbs impose a mass reading on any bare object noun whereas, in Danish, BNs maintain their lexically encoded denotation as inhomogeneous entities. However, contrasting with the leading pattern, the so-called HAVE-verbs (Borthen, 2003) actually license Spanish BNs in object position (cf., e.g., Espinal, 2010; Espinal & Mcnally, 2011), viz.Juan tiene perro[Juan has dog]. It is claimed that the occurrence of BNs in these cases is strongly related to the assumption that HAVE-verbs, contrary to activity verbs, are functionally non-eventive and, therefore, do not impose a specific homogeneity reading on the bare noun in object position.

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confidence: 97%

Lexical coding vs. syntactic marking of homogeneity

Müller

2014

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“…Maienborn (2005a;2005b; demonstrates that both individual level and stage level copular sentences systematically fail diagnostics for the presence of a Davidsonian eventuality variable. Maienborn instead proposes that stage level predication introduces a pragmatic relation with some existing discourse situation, and that this relation is absent with individual level predication (see Higginbotham & Ramchand 1996;Richardson 2001;Arche 2006;Dalmi 2013;Roy 2013 for a range of other alternatives).…”

Section: Predicative Copular Constructionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…pragmatic relation with some existing discourse situation, and that this relation is absent with individual level predication (see Higginbotham & Ramchand 1996;Richardson 2001;Arche 2006;Dalmi 2013;Roy 2013 for a range of other alternatives). Luckily, there is no need to try to settle this controversy here.…”

Section: Predicative Copular Constructionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Complex copula systems as suppletive allomorphy

Myler

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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Languages are known to vary in the number of verbs they exhibit corresponding to English be, in the distribution of such copular verbs, and in the presence or absence of a distinct verb for possession sentences corresponding to English have. This paper offers novel arguments for the position that such differences should be modeled in terms of suppletive allomorphy of the same syntactic element (here dubbed v BE ), employing a Late Insertion-based framework. It is shown that such a suppletive allomorphy approach to complex copula systems makes three predictions that distinguish it from non-suppletion-based alternatives (concerning decomposition, possible and impossible syncretisms, and Impoverishment), and that these predictions seem to be correct (although a full test of the possible and impossible syncretisms prediction is not possible in the current state of knowledge).

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“…See, among others, Stowell (1991), Arche (2006) and Kertz (2006 They contend that deverbal adjectives build, at least in part, their scales using the ingredients provided by Aktionsart to do so. Telic verbs are expected to have a maximal degree (which translates the culmination of the event, 23); atelic verbs would lack it, as they also lack a natural endpoint.…”

Section: (I)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Problems and questions in derived adjectives

Fábregas

Marín

2017

Word Structure

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ABSTRACT. This article presents an overview of the main problems and complications that have emerged with respect to the analysis of morphologically complex adjectives cross-linguistically. It is argued that the problems start from the fact that it is difficult to identify positive properties of adjectives that single them out from other categories. Given this difficulty, what has been classified as a derived adjective frequently is a version of the base category that lacks some of the definitional properties of that category. This article examines in turn the questions related to deverbal adjectives, participles and denominal adjectives.

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Individuals in Time

Cited by 60 publications

References 0 publications

Lexical coding vs. syntactic marking of homogeneity

Lexical coding vs. syntactic marking of homogeneity

Complex copula systems as suppletive allomorphy

Problems and questions in derived adjectives

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