Income Rights, Mothers' Rights, or Workers' Rights? Collective Action Frames, Organizational Ideologies, and the American Welfare Rights Movement

Reese, Ellen; Newcombe, Garnett

doi:10.1525/sp.2003.50.2.294

Cited by 43 publications

(34 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…In many cases neither are considered permanent employees and there are few or limited opportunities to organize. Though there has been precedent for collaboration between unions representing permanent welfare staff and advocates on behalf of welfare and workfare participants (Reese and Newcombe 2003;Simmons 2002), these paradigms must be re-conceptualized to overcome barriers to solidarity that are produced by the nuances of contingent government work in the arena of welfare reform.…”

Section: Contingent Welfare Employees and Barriers To Solidaritymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In some cases this has occurred following the 1996 welfare reform (Reese and Newcombe 2003;Simmons 2002;Tait 2005), but considerable barriers persist. Of primary concern in this paper is the unanswered question of where new genres of contingent government contract workers who were recruited to implement part of the reform fit into the equation of welfare client and caseworker solidarity.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Contingent Government Workers and Labor Solidarity: The Case of Contract Welfare-to-Work Staff and Their Clients

Ridzi

2007

Qual Sociol

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Contemporary US labor solidarity faces new opportunities and challenges in the midst of global economic and governmental restructuring. Indicative of these changes the 1996 welfare reform has created a new brand of contingent government contract workers to implement welfare-to-work while simultaneously fostering contingent work among welfare clients. In this paper I use ethnographic data from a major city in New York State to explore the relative positioning of these labor groups and I ask whether contingent government workers could mediate between organized labor and welfare recipients, thereby facilitating political collaboration. I conclude by identifying considerable structural and interpersonal barriers to solidarity including lack of contingent worker consciousness, difference in "skill" levels, antagonistic relationships with clients and a tendency to interpret client hardships in terms of personal defects. I contrast these findings with instances where labor unions have become involved in welfare issues and propose steps toward a new paradigm for labor solidarity.

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Section: Contingent Welfare Employees and Barriers To Solidaritymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Contingent Government Workers and Labor Solidarity: The Case of Contract Welfare-to-Work Staff and Their Clients

Ridzi

2007

Qual Sociol

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“…Thus, research comparing across welfare and poverty organizations found that even with similar goals for alleviating poverty, different organizations use their own framing strategies to influence social change based on the surrounding political context and their organizational ideologies. For example, feminist organizations framed their struggle as one for mother's rights, while welfare organizations framed it as one for income rights (Reese & Newcombe, 2003). I expect to find similar differences in my case studies.…”

Section: Social Movements: Political Process Resources Framing Andmentioning

confidence: 76%

“…This is not surprising given the research that finds that frames used by organizations are consistent with their "organizations core norms, values and beliefs," (Reese & Newcombe, 2003). Thus, planners charged with segmenting uses of public spaces are likely to frame their opinions around the designated transportation use of sidewalks (getting around), while homeless advocates are more likely to frame their opinions around the impact on those they advocate for.…”

Section: Key Comparative Findings Interpretive Policy Analysismentioning

confidence: 94%

“…The frames that social movement organizations use are consistent with their "organizations core norms, values and beliefs," and with the political and social environments in which they are situated (Reese & Newcombe, 2003). Thus, research comparing across welfare and poverty organizations found that even with similar goals for alleviating poverty, different organizations use their own framing strategies to influence social change based on the surrounding political context and their organizational ideologies.…”

Section: Social Movements: Political Process Resources Framing Andmentioning

confidence: 97%

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Regulating Pavement Dwellers: The Politics of the Visibly Poor in Public Space

Larin¹

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Many researchers argue the increasing reliance on sit/lie ordinances to regulate homeless people's use of public space is one in a suite of neoliberal policies that shape the geographies of public space in cities to serve the needs of global capital. However, these policies are developed at the local, not global, level as specific actors make claims in the public sphere that communicatively shape policy formation. Through comparative case study, this research asks, how do different actors, situated in specific local and global contexts, influence the adoption of sit/lie ordinances? I examine two cases of policymaking in Portland and San Francisco. I use discourse analytic strategies and thematic coding of newspapers, archival documents, and key informant interviews to look at policy-making processes as they occur in their political, social, and economic contexts. I focus especially on the role of language in policy-making, policy-making arenas, and actions of grassroots actors, drawing from three interdisciplinary literatures to develop an explanatory theory of policy-making.I find the four interrelated explanatory factors in policy-making were: the actors (neoliberal and right-to-the-city); the tactics they use; the policy talk they use; and the policy arenas. First, political processes provide windows of opportunity and determine arenas for political activities. The different policy arenas (citizen election, committee, council led, litigation, etc.) influence the audience that the actors care about, and thus the policy talk. Additionally, elected officials have a determining effect on which arenas they use, that in turn structures the opportunities for policy talk.Page ii Second, the arena influences the depth to which resisters can discuss the issues with the wider public and decision-makers. This may explain why the right-to-the-city frame may not have been used as much as the academic literature might suggest.Resisters find it much harder to use this framing with the general public or elected officials because it takes too much time to explain to those unfamiliar. Instead, they rely more on concepts that may be more familiar like the dependent poor and unequal impact of the law on minority groups. Here is to many more journeys together without a dissertation in progress in the background.My parents John Larin and Cindy Bannister who told me from a young age I had to be the first person in our family to go to college. I have a feeling this isn't what they meant, but it is what they got.

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Organizing Workfare Workers as Contingent Employees: Lessons from the New York City “Work Experience Program” Worker Unionization Campaign, 1996–1997

Devinatz

2012

Employ Respons Rights J

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Income Rights, Mothers' Rights, or Workers' Rights? Collective Action Frames, Organizational Ideologies, and the American Welfare Rights Movement

Cited by 43 publications

References 28 publications

Contingent Government Workers and Labor Solidarity: The Case of Contract Welfare-to-Work Staff and Their Clients

Contingent Government Workers and Labor Solidarity: The Case of Contract Welfare-to-Work Staff and Their Clients

Regulating Pavement Dwellers: The Politics of the Visibly Poor in Public Space

Organizing Workfare Workers as Contingent Employees: Lessons from the New York City “Work Experience Program” Worker Unionization Campaign, 1996–1997

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