Abstract:Montenegro has the highest in-work poverty (IWP) rates among all ex-Yugoslav countries. Although the IWP rate in Montenegro is significantly below the average poverty rate for the entire population, it has increased substantially since 2013. Despite that, IWP is rarely discussed as an important topic in the media or by policymakers, although some policies do target the working population at risk. This article starts with the identification of factors that affect IWP and differences in IWP of specific populatio… Show more
“…Income tax arrangements exhibit little or no progressivity, with few countries having a tax-free allowance for low-income earners. This has led to high levels of in-work poverty, as is documented for the case of Montenegro by Golubović, Mirković, and Kaludjerović (2022).…”
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confidence: 91%
“…In the Yugoslav successor states, most work-based benefits were lost following privatisation, while other elements of the social protection systems, including social insurance contributions on wages as a basis for financing social protection (pensions and health care in particular) were carried over. This is highlighted in the analysis by Golubović, Mirković, and Kaludjerović (2022) in this thematic section, who identify the continuation of inwork benefits in Slovenia compared to the relative absence of such benefits in Montenegro and Serbia. This reflects, in part, the gradualist approach to privatisation that was adopted in Slovenia compared to the rapid privatisation that took place in the Western Balkans in the 2000s (Bartlett, 2008;Mencinger, 2004;Uvalić, 2010).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Universal child benefits have been introduced in Montenegro and will be introduced in Kosovo in 2023, while broad means-tested child allowances are available in North Macedonia and Serbia (Dobrotić, 2022). In addition, there has been an emphasis on introducing minimum wages to reduce in-work poverty (Golubović, Mirković, & Kaludjerović, 2022). Nevertheless, the increased exclusion of workers in the informal economy, of Roma and of young people in precarious jobs, has limited the impact of the minimum wage on reducing in-work poverty.…”
This introductory essay situates the papers in this Thematic Section within the background of social policy development in the Western Balkans during the long period of transition following the break-up of former Yugoslavia. We identify three stages of transformation of social protection policies. The first, in the 1990s, was characterised by a continuation of the Yugoslav legacy of social insurance, while many work-based benefits were lost during privatisation. In the second stage, international institutions promoted individualised social protection policies, taken up in some countries but avoided in others. In the third phase, EU influence on social policies accompanied the prolonged EU accession process, with an emphasis on the introduction of work-care policies, early childhood education and the remediation of in-work poverty. The four papers address these issues in greater detail and provide a basis for re-evaluating progress with social protection policies in the Western Balkans in the future.
“…Income tax arrangements exhibit little or no progressivity, with few countries having a tax-free allowance for low-income earners. This has led to high levels of in-work poverty, as is documented for the case of Montenegro by Golubović, Mirković, and Kaludjerović (2022).…”
mentioning
confidence: 91%
“…In the Yugoslav successor states, most work-based benefits were lost following privatisation, while other elements of the social protection systems, including social insurance contributions on wages as a basis for financing social protection (pensions and health care in particular) were carried over. This is highlighted in the analysis by Golubović, Mirković, and Kaludjerović (2022) in this thematic section, who identify the continuation of inwork benefits in Slovenia compared to the relative absence of such benefits in Montenegro and Serbia. This reflects, in part, the gradualist approach to privatisation that was adopted in Slovenia compared to the rapid privatisation that took place in the Western Balkans in the 2000s (Bartlett, 2008;Mencinger, 2004;Uvalić, 2010).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Universal child benefits have been introduced in Montenegro and will be introduced in Kosovo in 2023, while broad means-tested child allowances are available in North Macedonia and Serbia (Dobrotić, 2022). In addition, there has been an emphasis on introducing minimum wages to reduce in-work poverty (Golubović, Mirković, & Kaludjerović, 2022). Nevertheless, the increased exclusion of workers in the informal economy, of Roma and of young people in precarious jobs, has limited the impact of the minimum wage on reducing in-work poverty.…”
This introductory essay situates the papers in this Thematic Section within the background of social policy development in the Western Balkans during the long period of transition following the break-up of former Yugoslavia. We identify three stages of transformation of social protection policies. The first, in the 1990s, was characterised by a continuation of the Yugoslav legacy of social insurance, while many work-based benefits were lost during privatisation. In the second stage, international institutions promoted individualised social protection policies, taken up in some countries but avoided in others. In the third phase, EU influence on social policies accompanied the prolonged EU accession process, with an emphasis on the introduction of work-care policies, early childhood education and the remediation of in-work poverty. The four papers address these issues in greater detail and provide a basis for re-evaluating progress with social protection policies in the Western Balkans in the future.
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