(In)Equality and action: the role of women's training initiatives in promoting women's leadership opportunities in Myanmar

Finding feminism, finding voice? Mobilising community education to build women's participation in Myanmar's political transition

“…Post-secondary education and training initiatives frequently adopt a determinedly subversive position contrary to state authoritarianism through the teaching of human rights, women's empowerment and social justice (Maber 2014). Women-led organisations, which have been prominent in leading community education in areas of conflict and displacement in Myanmar, have used these educational sites as means to promote an understanding of women's inequalities in society and awareness of their rights, amongst female and male community members.…”

“…I employ a theoretical framework which brings together a critical feminist perspective to education and development interventions, particularly focusing on the discourse of empowerment as a desired development goal (Batliwala 2007;Cornwall and Edwards 2014;Stromquist 2015), with a conceptualisation of the nomadic position (defined below) experienced by the women who are leading women's rights-focused civil society organisations and who are responsible for the transmission and transformation of material. This paper builds on research which outlines the distinctive position of non-formal community education as a means of knowledge sharing, particularly in areas affected by conflict and political instability where state education practices are frequently associated with authoritarianism and control (Maber 2014). In the case of Myanmar's state education system, schools have promoted a Buddhist, Bamar, 1 and militaristic ideal (Salem-Gervais and Metro 2012) reinforced through rote learning, corporal punishment and the suppression of critical thinking skills.…”

“…These civil wars occur on simultaneous and multiple fronts and are still largely unresolved despite a number of ceasefire agreements and renewed attempts to secure a nationwide ceasefire agreement (Keenan 2015). Elections held in late 2010 were a significant marker in Myanmar's transition from authoritarianism to a more democratic model of government, however the military retained control of emerging democratic processes through the military-affiliated Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) which was steered to electoral victory and 25% of parliamentary seats were reserved for military appointees (Maber 2014). Despite these constraints and the brutal consequences of opposing authoritarianism, democratic opposition to military rule has supported civil society activism that has propelled activists, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, into positions of leadership.…”

The Gender Problem of Buddhist Nationalism in Myanmar: The 969 Movement and Theravada Nuns

“…Mahmood (2015, 13) The problem with the Myanmar judicial system is not that the customary laws have not been drafted and set. Instead, the problem is the scarcity of legal training outside of the military regime (Maber 2014). With a majority of former junta comrades running the system anyone who does not fall under Buddhist Burman gets shafted in terms of justice.…”

“…Myanmar has declared that it is working toward democracy, the same military junta officials that implemented and turned a blind eye to ethnic depopulation of minorities and used rape as a weapon of war still fill the majority of parliamentary seats, with 398 reserved for military officials (Maber 2014 Angela Davis (1981) brought to light the lack of justice that plagues Black 20 men accused as rapists while the white man's rape crime was consistently swept under the rug.…”