Imperfective aspect and epistemic modality

Boogaart, Ronny; Trnavac, Radoslava

doi:10.1075/hcp.29.14boo

Cited by 29 publications

(11 citation statements)

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“…For all these cases, we endorse the view that the future anterior involves a resultative construction (see also Gosselin, 1996;Vet, 2007) and has to be treated as a stative, most notably following a recent analysis in Boogaart and Trnavac (2011). Importantly for us, this resultative construction (which we label RES(p)) provides a handle for the evidential component of the ratificational modal as we explain in detail in section 3.…”

Section: Breaking the Cross-linguistic Patternsupporting

confidence: 64%

“…It is now a common observation that the epistemic/non-epistemic ambiguity of modals correlates with the aspectual properties of the complement they combine with (see most notably Sueur, 1979;Condoravdi, 2002;Copley, 2002;Malchukov, 2009;Boogaart and Trnavac, 2011;Caudal, 2012;Giannakidou and Mari, to appear-a The same pattern is illustrated by FUT in French, most clearly by the future anterior.…”

Section: Breaking the Cross-linguistic Patternmentioning

confidence: 91%

“…Let us provide an example independent of the French FUT. It is well known that a modal in the imperfect in French can have an epistemic meaning and can be evaluated in the past (see Boogaart and Trnavac, 2011;Mari, 2015 Mari, 2015).…”

Section: Ratificational Modalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

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French future: Exploring the future ratification hypothesis

Mari

2015

French Language Studies

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The paper proposes a unified account of the systematic polysemy of French future (FUT) that does not uniquely rely on Aktionsart. It explains the predominant preference for the temporal interpretation of FUT, appealing to the ‘future ratification hypothesis’. This is a felicity condition that can be satisfied to different degrees and among competing interpretations the one that satisfies it to the highest degree is preferred. The paper also shows that FUT does not convey uncertainty at utterance time (tu), and can be used when the attitude holder knows at tu that the embedded proposition is true.

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Section: Breaking the Cross-linguistic Patternsupporting

confidence: 64%

Section: Breaking the Cross-linguistic Patternmentioning

confidence: 91%

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French future: Exploring the future ratification hypothesis

Mari

2015

French Language Studies

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“…Consider (96). Why in non-past environments the perfective triggers futurity has been the object of much study-but there is no final answer (Copley 2009, Mari 2015a, Boogaart and Trnavac 2011. Here we tend to align with Boogaart and Trnavac (ibid.…”

Section: Syntax-semantics Of Italianmentioning

confidence: 55%

“…We cannot adopt this view here, since forward-shifting with eventives is independent of modal embedding, see (93-b). Our proposal builds on a parallelism between grammatical and lexical aspect, according to which lexical statives are standardly imperfective, whereas eventives are perfective unless they are marked by a progressive verb form (see Smith 1991;Boogaart and Trnavac 2011). In this line of thought, lexical eventives provide aspectual information -perfectivity -and perfectivity, in absence of PAST, triggers futurity (NON-PAST, λP λtλw(P (t, ∞)(w))).…”

Section: Syntax-semantics Of Italianmentioning

confidence: 99%

A unified analysis of the future as epistemic modality

Giannakidou

Mari

2017

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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We offer an analysis of the Greek and Italian future morphemes as epistemic modal operators. The main empirical motivation comes from the fact that future morphemes have systematic purely epistemic readings-not only in Greek and Italian, but also in Dutch, German, and English will. The existence of epistemic readings suggests that the future expressions quantify over epistemic, not metaphysical alternatives. We provide a unified analysis for epistemic and predictive readings as epistemic necessity, and the shift between the two is determined compositionally by the lower tense. Our account thus acknowledges a systematic interaction between modality and tense-but the future itself is a pure modal, not a mixed temporal/modal operator. We show that the modal base of the future is nonveridical, i.e. it includes p and ¬p worlds, parallel to epistemic modals such as must, and present arguments that future morphemes have much in common with epistemic modals and predicates of personal taste. We identify, finally, a subclass of epistemic futures which are ratificational, and argue that will is a member of this class.

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The Use of the English Progressive Form in Discourse: An Analysis of a Corpus of Interview Data

Frazier

Koo

2019

Corpus Pragmatics

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Imperfective aspect and epistemic modality

Cited by 29 publications

References 0 publications

French future: Exploring the future ratification hypothesis

French future: Exploring the future ratification hypothesis

A unified analysis of the future as epistemic modality

The Use of the English Progressive Form in Discourse: An Analysis of a Corpus of Interview Data

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