2010
DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2010.09.008
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Immigrants riding for justice: Space-time and emotions in the construction of a counterpublic

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Cited by 29 publications
(20 citation statements)
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“…LAWAS also fostered the emergence of a collective identity, conferring on members a sense of themselves as part of a supportive group, with the belief that investing in it was rewarding not just in terms of ameliorating their own material situation but also in terms of non‐material and emotional rewards (Sziarto and Leitner ). LAWAS gave its members a sense of pride and identity, an empowering feeling that they were shaping their lives and those of their fellow Latino workers and of low‐paid working people more generally, despite the disadvantageous and exclusionary conditions they faced.…”
Section: Case Study 1: Lawasmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…LAWAS also fostered the emergence of a collective identity, conferring on members a sense of themselves as part of a supportive group, with the belief that investing in it was rewarding not just in terms of ameliorating their own material situation but also in terms of non‐material and emotional rewards (Sziarto and Leitner ). LAWAS gave its members a sense of pride and identity, an empowering feeling that they were shaping their lives and those of their fellow Latino workers and of low‐paid working people more generally, despite the disadvantageous and exclusionary conditions they faced.…”
Section: Case Study 1: Lawasmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The NEJA tour, while not its' explicit mission, attempted to expand the boundaries of environmental justice and reinforce two overlapping politics that continue to inform contemporary environmental justice activism: the anti-toxics movement and the movement against environmental racism (Schlosberg 2007, 46). Several studies have exposed this boundary-breaking and overlapping tendency of environmental justice action (Brown 2007;Brown, et al 2004;Adamson, Evans, and Stein 2002;Ageyman, Bullard, and Evans 2003;Bryant 1995;Bullard 1993Bullard , 2005Cole and Foster 2001;Epstein 1997;Faber 1998;Hofrichter 1993;Pellow and Brulle 2005;Roberts and Toffolon-Weiss 2001;Stein 2004), the intersection of neoliberalism and environmental justice (Holifield 2004), and the ''scaler politics'' of environmental justice (Kurtz 2003;Bickerstaff and Agyeman 2009;Cox 1998;Sziarto and Leitner 2010;Davies 2006;Agyeman and Evans 2004). Despite some recent efforts (Checker 2005;Allen 2003; Checker, this issue), there is a need for greater ethnographic description illustrating the complexities of intra-activist relations in general and peoples' engagements in and experiences with the micropolitics of environmental justice alliance building in particular.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These studies show that migrants make strategic choices that relate, for example, to their repertoires of collective action (Della Porta 2018; Siméant 1998), the location of protest (Monforte 2016; Steinhilper and Ataç 2019), their narratives and testimonies (Bhimji 2016; Swerts 2015), and their targets (Nyers 2008). So far, little attention has been paid to the emotional dimension in these struggles (Swerts 2015; Sziarto and Leitner 2010). The literature on social movements and on the politics of emotions shows however that this dimension is crucial in the construction of collective action.…”
Section: Spaces Of Confinement Emotions and The Performative Dimensmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Empirical studies stress how specific spatial features can facilitate the mobilisation of migrants, despite the legal obstacles that they face. For example, migrants’ protest can emerge from their possibility to navigate between places of visibility and invisibility, the availability of spaces allowing alternative modes of communication, or the density of their support networks (Nicholls 2013; Swerts 2017; Sziarto and Leitner 2010; Uitermark and Nicholls 2014). Other studies, focusing on migrants’ strategies to transform the space that they inhabit, show that their protest can create relational spaces of solidarity and disrupt border control policies (McNevin 2007; Monforte 2016; Rygiel 2011; Squire and Darling 2011).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%