Immigrant influx and generational politics: A comparative case study of Hong Kong and Taiwan

Wong, Stan Hok Wui; Lee, Kuan Chen; Ho, Karl; Clarke, Harold D.

doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2018.12.008

Cited by 9 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 38 publications

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“…Tracking changes before and after the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong public opinion polling data reveals significant differences in the concept of national identity for young people, and differences in understanding in the principles of civil disobedience, confirming the relationships between age, mobilization, and polarization, while gender was apparently unrelated to mobilization or to voting preferences prior to the Umbrella Movement (Hansen Edwards 2016; Lee, So and Leung 2015, 367;Tang 2015;Wong et al 2019), despite suggestions that there may by gendered differences in terms of support for contentious politics (Coffé and Bolzendahl 2010;Dodson 2015;Hsiao and Wan 2018;Wagner, Gainous and Abbott 2021).…”

Section: Background Of the Umbrella Movementmentioning

confidence: 95%

The Demographic Ceiling of Changes Driven by the Umbrella Movement

Blenkitni

2023

Innov. Soc. Sci.

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This article explains post-Umbrella Movement shifts in public opinion in Hong Kong by correlating demographic subgroups with changes in support for the status quo, utilizing Asian Barometer Survey data regarding support for the existing system of government and idealized models for the future. The aim is to determine whether public opinion shifts occurred evenly through population subgroups or were limited to participants and peers. The findings show that while Hong Kongers’ views underwent a seismic shift, the expansion of dissent was unevenly distributed across demographic cohorts, rather than representing demographically symmetric diffusion reflecting societal bridging and cross-demographic coalition building. This indicates that, while the social movement may have shifted aggregate public opinion away from the status quo, its precepts permeated differently across age, class, and especially gender lines, and that views on the status quo were also strongly linked to idealized models for their future, relative to China.

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Section: Background Of the Umbrella Movementmentioning

confidence: 95%

The Demographic Ceiling of Changes Driven by the Umbrella Movement

Blenkitni

2023

Innov. Soc. Sci.

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“…If the application is approved, they can legally migrate, and they usually obtain permanent residence status after seven years, along with the right to vote. A maximum of 150 permits per day are issued by the relevant Chinese departments, corresponding to an annual quota of 54,000, which has led to a large and sustained influx of mainland immigrants in the last decades (Wong, Lee, and Ho 2019). The government has also implemented other immigration schemes since the 2000s, such as the Quality Migration Admission Scheme, which allows high-skilled migrants to gain residence in Hong Kong even without an employment contract, and it has provided opportunities for mainland students to pursue higher education in the city.…”

Section: The Rise Of Generational Dividesmentioning

confidence: 99%

13. Inequality, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, 1996–2016

Sota¹,

Gethin²

2021

Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities

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This paper documents how democratization in South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong since the 1980s has led to the materialization of growing political cleavages. Political integration, manifested by attitudes towards North Korea in South Korea, and towards mainland China in Hong Kong and Taiwan, have been a key issue structuring party competition and electoral behaviors in the three territories. In Hong Kong and South Korea, this issue has sharply divided old and new generations, albeit in a somewhat different way. In Hong Kong, younger cohorts are substantially more likely to vote for parties supporting lower political integration. In South Korea, older generations show significantly higher support for unification, but they are also much more likely to vote for conservatives, who firmly oppose any attempt to engage with the North Korean regime, a phenomenon rooted in decades of tensions and fiercely anticommunist regimes. In Taiwan, such a strong generational divide is absent, but the independence/unification cleavage has interacted with ethnicity: immigrants from mainland China and their descendants have been more supportive of the pro-unification Kuomintang than natives. This is also the case in Hong Kong, where sustained immigration from the mainland has come with the emergence of a strong anti-immigration cleavage. We argue that the strength of these cleavages and the lack of political mobilization of the working class for historical reasons have played a key role in explaining the near absence of class cleavages in all three territories. While economic concerns do play a role in nurturing mass mobilizations, cultural and political identities, rather than material concerns, seem to continue shaping party systems in East Asia.

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“…CEPA relaxed the restrictions towards mainland citizens to visit Hong Kong, which caused amount of people, including workers and tourists, flow into Hong Kong to find their opportunities. Stan mentioned that due to the extreme competition in labor market, the young generation of input region will produce the increased anxiety due to the occupation of job opportunities [4]. For Hong Kong youngsters, they couldn't enjoy much economic profits led by CEPA.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Research on the Transition of National Identity for Hong Kong People

Zhang¹

2022

Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research

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Since 2019, Hong Kong has experienced another wave of social movements against the intervention of extradition policy of mainland China, which caused devastating effects to Hong Kong society meanwhile made people start to consider the origin of Hong Kong social movements. The dramatic changes of national identity for Hong Kong people seem to be roughly positive correlation with the frequency and intensity of Hong Kong social movements in recent years, which reflects the gradual increased strength of closed localism trend in political resistance with central government of China. This article aims at arguing that under the political influence from mainland China and long-time sufferings from British imperialism governance, this positive relation couldn't achieve the purpose of democratization. Therefore, it's reasonable for Hong Kong to conduct certain partial democratic system for maintaining the stability and prosperity of itself with the different understanding of democracy.

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Immigrant influx and generational politics: A comparative case study of Hong Kong and Taiwan

Cited by 9 publications

References 38 publications

The Demographic Ceiling of Changes Driven by the Umbrella Movement

The Demographic Ceiling of Changes Driven by the Umbrella Movement

13. Inequality, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, 1996–2016

Research on the Transition of National Identity for Hong Kong People

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