Immigrant Earnings: A Longitudinal Analysis

Chiswick, Barry R.; Lee, Yew L.; Miller, Paul W.

doi:10.1111/j.1475-4991.2005.00165.x

Cited by 113 publications

(98 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…migrants who were not in employment in the first wave), there is a significant impact of migrant category. A similar impact of migrant category can also be observed with respect to earnings (Chiswick, Lee and Miller 2005b).…”

supporting

confidence: 66%

“…Lower wage returns for non-English-speaking immigrants appear be particularly pronounced in the first years after arrival. Chiswick, Lee and Miller (2005b) show that among the immigrants surveyed in the first cohort of the LSIA, those coming from English-speaking OECD countries have about 30% higher wages after three to four years in Australia than other immigrants, even after controlling for qualifications, visa category, and English proficiency. These estimates for the wage gaps of recent arrivals from nonEnglish-speaking countries are substantially higher than those reported above which refer to all immigrants from these countries.…”

mentioning

confidence: 90%

“…However, Australian qualifications seem to have a substantial impact on wages. Chiswick, Lee and Miller (2005b), using data from the LSIA, calculate that immigrants with Australian qualifications have about 12% higher earnings than immigrants with otherwise similar characteristics.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Labour Market Integration of Immigrants in Australia

Liebig

2007

OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers

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JT03222451This series is designed to make available to a wider readership selected labour market, social policy and migration studies prepared for use within the OECD. Authorship is usually collective, but principal writers are named. The papers are generally available only in their original language -English or French -with a summary in the other.Comment on the series is welcome, and should be sent to the Directorate for Employment, Labour and Social Affairs, 2, rue André-Pascal, 75775 PARIS CEDEX 16, France.The opinions expressed and arguments employed here are the responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the OECD The labour market integration of immigrants in Australia is shaped by the country's long tradition as an immigration country and its selection policy. Over the post-war period, the main origin countries of immigration to Australia have shifted from English-speaking countries to other OECD countries, and, since the mid-1970s, to non-OECD countries. Parallel to this shift, immigration policy to Australia became increasingly skills focused, which has partly countered the less favourable employment outcomes of migrants from these countries. This increasing selection has resulted in a situation in which the skills structure of the immigrant population, particularly of those from non-OECD countries, is well above that of the native-born. 2.Overall, the labour market integration of immigrant men in Australia can be considered to be relatively favourable in international comparison. This is partly attributable to selection policy and the prevalence of the English language in many parts of the world. Even with similar socio-demographic characteristics, skilled migrants tend to perform better than other migrant groups. In contrast to the positive outcomes for immigrant men, the labour force participation of immigrant women is not high in international comparison. 3.Given the skilled nature of the majority of Australia's immigration intake, it is of particular importance that adequate use is made of the skills of the immigrants. This is not always the case, and overqualification is a problem. With the exception of humanitarian migrants, immigrants do not have access to social security and most labour market services in the first two years after arrival. This may have contributed to increase employment of immigrants, but also aggravated the problem of overqualification, particularly for skilled non-OECD immigrants in the first two years after arrival. There are a variety of measures currently undertaken to tackle this problem. Among these are efforts to increase employersponsored migration and immigration of people with prior Australian qualifications, as well as further streamlining of the recognition of foreign qualifications. The scope for the latter, however, may be limited due to the fact that professions and occupations are not regulated at the national level. Particularly effective in tackling overqualification seem to be temporary and assisted work placements in skilled jo...

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supporting

confidence: 66%

mentioning

confidence: 90%

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The Labour Market Integration of Immigrants in Australia

Liebig

2007

OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers

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“…This literature has placed especial attention on the wages of immigrants relative to native-born workers and its key empirical findings are, firstly, that immigrants typically face a significant wage gap and, secondly, that the gap tends to diminish the longer they remain in their host country (Chiswick, 1978and Borjas, 1994 for the US; Chiswick, Lee and Miller, 2005a for Australia; Friedberg, 2000 for Israel;Lam and Liu, 2002 for Hong Kong and Baker and Benjamin, 1994 for Canada).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Labour segregation and immigrant and native-born wage distributions in Spain: an analysis using matched employer–employee data

2007

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This article carries out an empirical examination of the origin of the differences between immigrant and native-born wage structures in the Spanish labour market. Especial attention is given in the analysis to the role played by occupational and workplace segregation of immigrants. Legal immigrants from developing countries exhibit lower mean wages and a more compressed wage structure than native-born workers. By contrast, immigrants from developed countries display higher mean wages and a more dispersed wage structure. The main empirical finding is that the disparities in the wage distributions for the native-born and both groups of immigrants are largely explained by their different observed characteristics, with a particularly important influence in this context of workplace and, particularly, occupational segregation.

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“…Similarly, immigrants may benefit directly from their education, as they would in their homeland or like natives in their destination country. On top of that, more educated immigrants may be more effective in the transition to a new society and thus may benefit relatively more from the education they bring from their homeland and from any additional education they may acquire in their destination country Miller 1994, 2003;Chiswick et al 2005;Bratsberg and Ragan 2002). Thus, education is a core variable in analyses of immigrants' economic success, and it is an important component in determining the differences between natives and immigrants (Card 1999;Altonji and Blank 1999).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

How important is homeland education for refugees’ economic position in The Netherlands?

Hartog

Zorlu

2007

J Popul Econ

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We use data on refugees admitted to The Netherlands that include registration of education in their homeland by immigration officers. Such data are seldom available. We investigate the quality and reliability of the registrations and then use them to assess effects on refugees' economic position during the first 5 years after arrival. The most remarkable finding is the absence of returns to higher education.

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Immigrant Earnings: A Longitudinal Analysis

Cited by 113 publications

References 12 publications

The Labour Market Integration of Immigrants in Australia

The Labour Market Integration of Immigrants in Australia

Labour segregation and immigrant and native-born wage distributions in Spain: an analysis using matched employer–employee data

How important is homeland education for refugees’ economic position in The Netherlands?

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