Il Posizionamento Del Verbo Nei Dialetti Romanzi D’italia

Schifano, Norma

doi:10.1179/0261434014z.000000000111

Cited by 5 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 1 publication

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“…4–8) concludes that finite verb movement in Modern Romance can target a wide variety of head positions within a richly articulated Tense‐Aspect‐Mood field (cf. also Schifano on Italo‐Romance).…”

Section: Background Aims and Methodsmentioning

confidence: 97%

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Probing the Syntax of a Problematic Particle: Old French ‘si’ Revisited

Wolfe

2018

Trans of the Philol Soc

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This article presents the findings of a corpus analysis of seven Old French texts to better understand the syntax of the particle SI. It is argued that the texts display clear evidence of synchronic and diachronic variation, much of which has not been noted in the literature. A diachronic grammaticalisation pathway is proposed for SI from a temporal deictic adverb to a Topic continuity marker and then to a FinP expletive which undergoes upwards reanalysis as a ForceP expletive.

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Section: Background Aims and Methodsmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Consider (33) which patterns with the other texts in featuring the adverb puis , alongside the examples in (34) which differ in that the adverbials are operative at the VP‐level (cf. Cinque : 47; Schifano ; Ledgeway in press c):…”

Section: Old French Si – Continuity and Variationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Probing the Syntax of a Problematic Particle: Old French ‘si’ Revisited

Wolfe

2018

Trans of the Philol Soc

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“…142-52;Ledgeway and Lombardi 2005, pp. 103-6;Schifano 2015Schifano , 2018. At the macro level, there are some broad similarities in the distribution of V-movement across Romance, inasmuch as all varieties appear to show some degree of raising (though for Brazilian Portuguese, see Tescari Neto 2013, 2020a, 2020b, 2022a, 2022bTescari Neto and Pataquiva 2020;Araújo-Adriano 2020, 2022, 2023, a view widely reported in the literature since Pollock's (1989) and Belletti's (1990) seminal contrastive studies of English, French and Italian (cf.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 94%

“…Consequently, at a micro level, we can observe considerable variation across Romance (cf. Schifano 2015Schifano , 2018Ledgeway and Schifano 2022), both synchronically and diachronically (cf. Ledgeway and Schifano 2023), in terms of the role of factors such as finiteness (Groothuis 2020(Groothuis , 2022 and mood (Ledgeway 2009a(Ledgeway , 2022bLedgeway and Lombardi 2014), ultimately leading Schifano (2018) to relate such variation to the 'paradigmatic instantiation' of aspect, tense and mood in individual Romance varieties.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Exploring Microvariation in Verb-Movement Parameters within Daco-Romanian and across Daco-Romance

Costea,

Ledgeway

2024

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This article reviews some of the principal patterns of morphosyntactic variation within Daco-Romanian and across Daco-Romance in support of a distinction between low vs high V-movement grammars variously distributed in accordance with diatopic variation (Daco-Romance: west vs east, Aromanian: north vs south), diachronic and diagenerational variation (Megleno-Romanian) and endogenous vs exogenous factors (Istro-Romanian). This approach, which builds on the insights of the Borer–Chomsky conjecture, assumes that the locus of parametric variation lies in the lexicon and the (PF-)lexicalization of specific formal feature values of individual functional projections, in our case the clausal heads T and v and the broad cartographic areas that they can be taken to represent. In this way, our analysis locates the relevant dimensions of (micro)variation among different Daco-Romance varieties in properties of T and v. In particular, we show that the feature values of these two heads are not set in isolation, inasmuch as parameters form an interrelated network of implicational relationships: the given value of a particular parameter entails the concomitant activation of associated lower-order parametric choices, whose potential surface effects may consequently become entirely predictable, or indeed render other parameters entirely irrelevant. In this way we can derive properties such as verb–adverb order, auxiliary selection, retention vs loss of the preterite, the availability of a dedicated preverbal subject position, the distribution of DOM, and the different stages of Jespersen’s Cycle across Daco-Romance quite transparently, based on the relevant strength of T and v in individual sub-branches and sub-dialects.

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“…140-50;Ledgeway 2020;Forthcoming;Lombardi 2005, pp. 103-6, 2014;Schifano 2015Schifano , 2018Ledgeway and Schifano Forthcoming). For example, in Gallo-Romance varieties, such as Milanese (21a) and in Alguerès (21b), the finite verb raises to a clause-medial position within the T-domain from where it precedes all lower adverbs, such as ALWAYS, and many higher adverbs.…”

Section: Verb Movement In Realis and Irrealis Contextsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Residues and Extensions of Perfective Auxiliary be: Modal Conditioning

Ledgeway

2022

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This article provides both a diachronic and synchronic account of the generalization of perfective auxiliary be in specific irrealis modal contexts across numerous Romance varieties spoken in Italy and more widely within the Romània, which has essentially gone unnoticed in the descriptive and theoretical literature. In some cases (southern Calabrian, Latin American Spanish, Portuguese), the distribution of be is to be interpreted as a residue of an original unaccusative syntax which was exceptionally preserved under higher V-movement in irrealis contexts, whereas in others (person-driven dialects of central and southern Italy, southern peninsular Spanish, Romanian) this original unaccusative signal has been reanalysed as a specialized marker of irrealis (lexicalizing a high Mood head) and extended to all verb classes. In the case of Alguerès, by contrast, the generalization of irrealis be is argued to be the result of language contact with surrounding Sardinian dialects where a specific pattern of dedicated irrealis marking of Mood° has been replicated. Finally, the reverse pattern with generalization of irrealis have, the reanalysis of an aspectual distinction between resultative and experiential perfects found in early Romance varieties (Neapolitan, Sicilian, Spanish, Catalan), is shown to involve a similar pattern of dedicated irrealis marking in Mood°.

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Il Posizionamento Del Verbo Nei Dialetti Romanzi D’italia

Cited by 5 publications

References 1 publication

Probing the Syntax of a Problematic Particle: Old French ‘si’ Revisited

Probing the Syntax of a Problematic Particle: Old French ‘si’ Revisited

Exploring Microvariation in Verb-Movement Parameters within Daco-Romanian and across Daco-Romance

Residues and Extensions of Perfective Auxiliary be: Modal Conditioning

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