If you have a strong union, you don’t need a necktie: U.S. labor and global solidarity

Abstract

Global solidarity between waterfront locals emerged through the use of the electronic and computer communication networks and technologies when their national and international organizations failed to act in the interests of the working class and showed themselves to be conservative and reactionary. Given current failures of the labor movement, both in the U.S. and internationally, this article describes how the protracted struggle around the Charleston 5 builds toward reform within unions such as the ILA and international organizations such as the ITF. These events show how in recent years an older leadership is being replaced by younger, brasher, and more combative leadership from the ranks of workers who understand their common interests and act upon them following the example of the ILWU.

Overcoming Barriers to Transnational Organizing Through Identity Work: Finnish–Estonian Trade Union Cooperation

“…While much of it can be understood as conventional trade union interest micropolitics within firms (Greer and Haupmeier, 2012), or the geographical expansion of union activities to regain bargaining leverage lost to globalization (Lillie, 2004), at the EU level unions push pro-integrationist and social dialogue agendas, shaped by the EU's political opportunity structure (Gumbrell-McCormick and Hyman, 2013). There is also an international campaigning undercurrent (Lillie and Martinez Lucio, 2004) and many examples of cooperation motivated by radical leftist internationalism (Durrenberger, 2009 (Greer, Ciupijus and Lillie, 2013). On the other hand, the London-based International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF) Seafarers' Section has maintained for decades a successful global bargaining system allowing for direct seafarer membership, although these bargaining rights are normally transferred to member unions.…”

“…While much of it can be understood as conventional trade union interest micropolitics within firms (Greer and Hauptmeier, 2012), or the geographical expansion of union activities to regain bargaining leverage lost to globalization (Lillie, 2004), at the EU level unions push pro-integrationist and social dialogue agendas, shaped by the EU’s political opportunity structure (Gumbrell-McCormick and Hyman, 2013). There is also an international campaigning undercurrent (Lillie and Martinez Lucio, 2004) and many examples of cooperation motivated by radical leftist internationalism (Durrenberger, 2009).…”

N30 + 10: global civil society, a decade after the battle of Seattle

“…Even in the global North, elites in social justice or human welfare movements can sell out those they represent. Erem and Durrenberger (2008) and Durrenberger (2009) describes how top union leadership has abandoned the class struggle in favor of ''class snuggle'' in which they collude with management to secure individual benefits for their members rather than pursuing class interests. A successful global democratic civil society requires interrogating how such class and status identities shape the movement and the problems of inclusion that they present (Calhoun 1993, p. 279).…”