Ideology by Any Other Name: Social Sciences and the Humanities as Western Catechism

Mohomed, Carimo

doi:10.1163/9789004353732_004

Cited by 15 publications

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“…Using this episode as a starting point and basing myself on my previous work (Mohomed, 2012(Mohomed, , 2015(Mohomed, , and 2016, this chapter develops further my writings (Mohomed, 2017 and on the Iranian sociologist and revolutionary Ali Shariati , thought to be one of the most important intellectuals behind the Iranian Revolution of 1979, and the Malay intellectual Syed Hussein Alatas (1928Alatas ( -2007, this time according to the ideas of the Moroccan philosopher Taha Abdurrahman, especially through the lens of Wael B. Hallaq. Known for his most famous works, such as The Myth of the Lazy Native (1977b) and The Problem of Corruption (1986), as well as his concept of the "captive mind", i.e., many formerly colonised people still accepting the "knowledge" which is produced, and the (hi)stories told by others, regarding themselves 7 , Alatas made significant contributions to decolonization theory, social theory, and other forms of thought critical of the current neo-colonial and neoliberal world.…”

Section: Carimo Mohomedmentioning

confidence: 81%

The Idea of South. Perspectives from the Global South about its meaning

2024

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This book is a collaboration between participants in the South-South Intellectual Network (RISUR). At the South-South Intellectual Meeting held at the Colegio de Mexico from May 29 to 31, 2023, it was decided to set up a Working Group on the "idea of South". After a few conversations, we held a Webinar on the Idea of South on October 5, 2023 (https://redrisur.com/eventos/), gathering first drafts of the texts that are now published in this book.

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Section: Carimo Mohomedmentioning

confidence: 81%

The Idea of South. Perspectives from the Global South about its meaning

2024

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“…The Safavid dynasty tried to create a common religious identity which, however, paved the way for the consequent consecration of the Shīʿī hierocracy and their progressive leading role in Iranian political discourse (Arjomand 1981). Then, the confrontation with modernity and Western values paved the way for a new debate on national identity, where the organic intellectuals of the years between the two revolutions developed an anticolonialist line of thought related to the recovery of identity in terms of belonging to a social category (Shariati 2009;Mohomed 2017;Muzaffar 2017). Finally, after the Islamic Revolution, the traditional Islamic discourse on national identity resurfaced, shifting to Islamic nationalism and defining its different shapes through the perception of 'others' (Anderson 2005;Moaddel 1993).…”

Section: Framework Of Definitions Of National Identitymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Defence of National Identity as a Revolutionary Concept: Gharbzadigī, Islamic Modernisation, and Anticolonialism

Tortolini

2020

Int. J. Islam Asia

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The framework of Iranian national identity has been the cornerstone of the discourse of different social groups that aimed to establish their hegemony over the ‘imagined community’ of Iranians. The difficulty in determining the territorial delimitation of identity, as well as the process of creation-assimilation of a unitarian paradigm of identity characterised, and still characterises, Iranian politics. Therefore, the interdependence between domestic and foreign affairs and national identity can be explained under the lens of the struggle of hegemony of dominant powers and, specifically, through the theoretical framework of specific traditional or organic social groups that developed their political discourse around the different shades of Iranian ‘nationalism’.

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Theocratic Secularism

Ghobadzadeh

2022

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This book articulates a religious rationale for political secularism in the Iranian/Shīʿī context. The genealogy of Twelver Shīʿī political theology shows that the bitter experience and lack of success of the Shīʿa in governance during the early centuries of Islamic history led them to link the realization of their ideal political system to transcendental factors. Belief in theocracy has been the basis of Shīʿī political theology, but with the messianic conception of the twelfth Imām in the fourth/tenth century, its realization came to depend on divine will and intervention. As a result, Shīʿī leaders, while awaiting the return of the twelfth Imām, not only do not have the authority or responsibility to take over government but have been forbidden to do so. For more than thirteen hundred years, the political thought and action of Shīʿī religious leaders were shaped by the political theology formulated in this book as theocratic secularism. In opposition to orthodox Shīʿī theology, a new politico-religious discourse emerged at the initiative of Ayatollah Khomeini toward the end of the twentieth century, referred to in this book as governmental Shīʿism. Governmental Shīʿism considers the occupation of the government apparatus as the duty of Shīʿī religious leaders. This book argues that governmental Shīʿism was neither the product of a theological transformation of Shīʿī orthodoxy nor used as a blueprint to establish the Islamic Republic. Rather, the formation of the Islamic Republic and the clergy’s rise to power led to the birth of governmental Shīʿism and bestowed importance on Khomeini’s wilāyat-i faqīh doctrine.

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Ideology by Any Other Name: Social Sciences and the Humanities as Western Catechism

Cited by 15 publications

References 0 publications

The Idea of South. Perspectives from the Global South about its meaning

The Idea of South. Perspectives from the Global South about its meaning

The Defence of National Identity as a Revolutionary Concept: Gharbzadigī, Islamic Modernisation, and Anticolonialism

Theocratic Secularism

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