Abstract:In light of the 2015 Paris Climate Agreement, this project synthesizes and advances critiques of the possibility of a sustainable capitalism by adopting an explicit ‘negative’ theory of ideology, understood as ideas that conceal contradictions through the reification and/or legitimation of the existing social order. Prominent climate change policy frameworks – the ‘greening’ of markets (market-corrective measures), technology (alternative energy, energy efficiency, and geoengineering), and growth (the green gr… Show more
“…The political-economic context that gave rise to geoengineering strategies is best understood as a contradiction between capital's need to accumulate and expand, on the one hand, and the destructive effects expansionistic production has on the conditions of production, specifically the climate system, on the other [100][101][102]. We agree with Weis [100] (pp.…”
Section: Geoengineering Is the Economically Rational Choicementioning
confidence: 85%
“…The increasingly popular climate policy frame of "green growth" [115,116]-alternatively, the "green economy" [117] or the "green transition" [118]-combines the greening of technology and markets in a coherent and appealing narrative and approaches climate mitigation as a capital accumulation strategy, highlighting the economic benefits of environmental protection and the supposed "synergies" between environmental protection and economic growth (for sympathetic overview, see [116]; for critical accounts, see [119]). However, carbon markets (e.g., [120,121]), improved efficiency (e.g., [122]), and renewable energy expansion (e.g., [123,124]) have all been shown to have limited success and unintended impacts (for overview, see [102]). Attempts to surmount the capital-climate contradiction that do not address the drive to accumulate capital will probably fail to significantly reduce emissions and, as Marcuse's critical theory of capitalism would predict, will conceal, rather than address, the contradiction [102,125].…”
Section: Geoengineering Is the Economically Rational Choicementioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, carbon markets (e.g., [120,121]), improved efficiency (e.g., [122]), and renewable energy expansion (e.g., [123,124]) have all been shown to have limited success and unintended impacts (for overview, see [102]). Attempts to surmount the capital-climate contradiction that do not address the drive to accumulate capital will probably fail to significantly reduce emissions and, as Marcuse's critical theory of capitalism would predict, will conceal, rather than address, the contradiction [102,125].…”
Section: Geoengineering Is the Economically Rational Choicementioning
Geoengineering-specifically stratospheric aerosol injection-is not only risky, but supports powerful economic interests, protects an inherently ecologically harmful social formation, relegates the fundamental social-structural changes needed to address climate change, and is rooted in a vision of a nature as a set of passive resources that can be fully controlled in line with the demands of capital. The case for geoengineering is incomprehensible without analyzing the social context that gave birth to it: capitalism's inability to overcome a contradiction between the need to accumulate capital, on the one hand, and the need to maintain a stable climate system on the other. Substantial emissions reductions, unlike geoengineering, are costly, rely more on social-structural than technical changes, and are at odds with the current social order. Because of this, geoengineering will increasingly be considered a core response to climate change. In light of Herbert Marcuse's critical theory, the promotion of geoengineering as a market-friendly and high-tech strategy is shown to reflect a society that cannot set substantive aims through reason and transforms what should be considered means (technology and economic production) into ends themselves. Such a condition echoes the first-generation Frankfurt School's central thesis: instrumental rationality remains irrational.
“…The political-economic context that gave rise to geoengineering strategies is best understood as a contradiction between capital's need to accumulate and expand, on the one hand, and the destructive effects expansionistic production has on the conditions of production, specifically the climate system, on the other [100][101][102]. We agree with Weis [100] (pp.…”
Section: Geoengineering Is the Economically Rational Choicementioning
confidence: 85%
“…The increasingly popular climate policy frame of "green growth" [115,116]-alternatively, the "green economy" [117] or the "green transition" [118]-combines the greening of technology and markets in a coherent and appealing narrative and approaches climate mitigation as a capital accumulation strategy, highlighting the economic benefits of environmental protection and the supposed "synergies" between environmental protection and economic growth (for sympathetic overview, see [116]; for critical accounts, see [119]). However, carbon markets (e.g., [120,121]), improved efficiency (e.g., [122]), and renewable energy expansion (e.g., [123,124]) have all been shown to have limited success and unintended impacts (for overview, see [102]). Attempts to surmount the capital-climate contradiction that do not address the drive to accumulate capital will probably fail to significantly reduce emissions and, as Marcuse's critical theory of capitalism would predict, will conceal, rather than address, the contradiction [102,125].…”
Section: Geoengineering Is the Economically Rational Choicementioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, carbon markets (e.g., [120,121]), improved efficiency (e.g., [122]), and renewable energy expansion (e.g., [123,124]) have all been shown to have limited success and unintended impacts (for overview, see [102]). Attempts to surmount the capital-climate contradiction that do not address the drive to accumulate capital will probably fail to significantly reduce emissions and, as Marcuse's critical theory of capitalism would predict, will conceal, rather than address, the contradiction [102,125].…”
Section: Geoengineering Is the Economically Rational Choicementioning
Geoengineering-specifically stratospheric aerosol injection-is not only risky, but supports powerful economic interests, protects an inherently ecologically harmful social formation, relegates the fundamental social-structural changes needed to address climate change, and is rooted in a vision of a nature as a set of passive resources that can be fully controlled in line with the demands of capital. The case for geoengineering is incomprehensible without analyzing the social context that gave birth to it: capitalism's inability to overcome a contradiction between the need to accumulate capital, on the one hand, and the need to maintain a stable climate system on the other. Substantial emissions reductions, unlike geoengineering, are costly, rely more on social-structural than technical changes, and are at odds with the current social order. Because of this, geoengineering will increasingly be considered a core response to climate change. In light of Herbert Marcuse's critical theory, the promotion of geoengineering as a market-friendly and high-tech strategy is shown to reflect a society that cannot set substantive aims through reason and transforms what should be considered means (technology and economic production) into ends themselves. Such a condition echoes the first-generation Frankfurt School's central thesis: instrumental rationality remains irrational.
“…Understanding responses to climate change has been explored through both micro (individual) and macro (structural) theoretical lenses. While much attention has focused on macro phenomena related to climate change, such as well-funded denialist campaigns, international agreements, and carbon markets (Beck 2010;Klein 2014;Gunderson et al 2018), others have focused on psychological factors regarding how individuals perceive and process information about climate change (Jost et al 2008;Feygina et al 2010;McCright et al 2014;Unsworth and Fielding 2014;Hart et al 2015;Wilke and Morton 2017). However, largely missing from the climate change literature is an analysis of how political-economic structural context shapes individuals' perceptions, beliefs, and actions (Carolan and Stuart 2016;Stuart 2016).…”
Section: Toward a Political Economy Of Relevancementioning
Sociologists commonly hypothesise that experiencing the impacts of climate change will lead actors, including farmers, to desire to address climate change. It is increasingly clear that farmers can detect the regional biophysical expressions and impacts of climate change. However, this has not led farmers to desire to take action on climate change. This begs the question: how then are farmers interpreting these experiences? We argue that political‐economic context, the structural conditions of capitalist production, contributes to how farmers perceive and understand the impacts of climate change. We draw from our novel political economy of relevance theoretical framework and apply this framework to a sample of over 100 qualitative interviews with Iowa and Indiana row‐crop farmers. We focus on their experiences with heavy rain events, a key impact of climate change in the Midwest. Our findings suggest that farmers become aware of, interpret and respond to heavy rain events within the context of capitalist production. This leads most farmers to see heavy rain events as barriers to achieving capitalist goals, rather than as signals of the reconsider climate scepticism or the need to mitigate contributions to climate change.
“…Some sociological explanations for climate change inaction emphasize the structural and macro‐level phenomena that present barriers to undertaking actions that would effectively mitigate greenhouse gas emissions, driven by the need to perpetually expand production in a capitalist economy (Foster, Clark, & York, ), including the neoliberalization of global climate governance (Ciplet & Roberts, ) and a well‐organized climate change denial campaign (McCright & Dunlap, ). Others point to a variety of ideational, practice‐based, and cultural culprits, from interpersonal relations to the cultural dimensions of institutions: the ideological assumptions of mainstream climate change policy that mask the contradiction between capitalism's dual requirements to expand, on the one hand, and maintain a stable climate system on the other (Gunderson, Stuart, & Petersen, ), norms and emotions that divorce knowledge about climate change from taking action about climate change (Norgaard, ), the non‐identity of objective and subjective dimensions of the “environment‐society problematic” due to reification (Stoner, ), and “post‐ecologist” norms underlying depoliticized climate politics (Blühdorn, ; for extended review of different levels of explanation and an integrated model, see Brulle & Norgaard, ). In an article that has not yet received due attention that we engage in detail below, Ollinaho (), in a deceptively simple line of argument, makes the case that the climate change is experienced as an intellectual problem in the Global North, a “relevance structure” that does not supersede the pragmatic practices and concerns of everyday life.…”
Why have societies failed to effectively respond to climate change? We address the question of climate change inaction by (1) examining how an unambiguously ominous report about climate change (IPCC 2018) was made palatable by news media and (2) explaining why climate change is typically unthematized in everyday life. Drawing on Adorno and Schutz, we develop a political‐economic theory of relevance. The imperative to accumulate capital is not only a social‐structural reality but also shapes why particular facts are regarded as relevant in experience (topical relevance) as well as how relevant material is interpreted (interpretative relevance) and acted toward (motivational relevance). Applying this framework, we (1) argue that media popularizations of the IPCC's dire Global Warming of 1.5°C (2018) are constituted by relevance systems conditioned by a capitalist social context and (2) strengthen Ollinaho's (2016) Schutzian explanation for climate change inaction by examining how productive relations and the culture industry perpetuate climate change irrelevance in everyday life. Schutz's framework helps conceptualize the intricacies of ideology and, when revised with Adorno's sociology, shines new light on an old question: the relations between social conditions and knowledge.
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