Identification of deleted plosives: The effect of adding noise or applying a time window (A reply to Ohde and Sharf)

Pols, L.C.W.; Schouten, M. E. H.

doi:10.1121/1.385312

Cited by 11 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…Informal analyses of the results suggested, however, that labial consonants were more distinctive at closure than were alveolar or velar ones, and that alveolar and velar stops were less well discriminated from each other. These findings are consistent with results obtained by Pols and Schouten (1981) for Dutch listeners in a study using gated nonwords, and they need to be more systematically investigated in the domain of lexical choice. How far do these very finegrained differences in the acoustic signaling of different places of articulation percolate through to the lexical level?…”

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confidence: 81%

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Cues to lexical choice: Discriminating place and voice

Warren

Marslen–Wilson

1988

Perception & Psychophysics

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Two experiments used the gating paradigm to investigate the manner in which acoustic-phonetic information is mapped onto the lexical level during the processes oflexical access and selection. The first experiment tested word identification across successive 25-msec gates of monosyllables contrasting in word-final voicing and showed a continuous uptake of durational cues. The second experiment expanded upon earlier research into the uptake of partial cues in the spectral domain and revealed strong effects at vowel closure on the choice between word candidates terminating in different places of articulation. The results were interpreted as suggesting a contrast between symmetric and asymmetric decision processes, with phonological structure being the potential source of asymmetries in the lexical interpretation of acoustic cues.The process of spoken language comprehension begins with the projection of the speech input onto mental representations of lexical form. The purpose of the research reported here is to explore the properties of the acousticphonetic decision space within which the listener conducts this process of lexical access and selection. In earlier research (Warren & Marslen-Wilson, 1987), we showed that the fine-grained detail of variation in the speech signal is continuously projected onto the lexical level. Listeners do not need to wait until the end of a segment, as conventionally defined, in order to guide and constrain lexical choice. In particular, they seem to be able to exploit online the temporal overlap, in the speech signal, of acoustic cues to distinct speech segments (see Fowler, 1984).In our first study (Warren & Marslen-Wilson, 1987), we looked at the consequences for lexical choice of temporally overlapping cues in the spectral domain. To do this, we used a gating task in which listeners heard successively larger fragments of the initial consonant cluster and vowel of words such as scoot or scoop, in which the final consonant differed in place of articulation, and of words like crown or crowd, in which the final consonant differed in manner of articulation. The subjects in this task were able to use coarticulatory changes in the formant structure of the vowel to help them identify the correct word before the final consonant was heard.We thank Marie Jefsioutine for her help in designing and constructing the stimuli and in running the experiments. We also thank Aditi Lahiri and Uli Frauenfelder for their comments on the manuscript. This research was supported by a programme grant from the Medical Research Council. Address reprint requests to Dr. Paul Warren, University of Cambridge, Department of Experimental Psychology, Downing St., Cambridge CB2 3EB, England.The research reported here expands on the previous study in two ways: by looking at a more differentiated set of contrasts in place of articulation, and by examining a different kind of partial cue-namely, variations in relative duration for vowels preceding voiced and unvoiced stops. This research sheds light not only on the kinds...

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supporting

confidence: 81%

“…The last 2 msec of each gatewas windowed to produce an accelerating attenuation that eliminated audible clicks (cf. Ohde & Sharf, 1981;Pols & Schouten, 1981).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cues to lexical choice: Discriminating place and voice

Warren

Marslen–Wilson

1988

Perception & Psychophysics

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“…However, it is fairly unlikely that initial consonants would be significantly more identifiable than final ones as a result of the short and rapidly varying formant transition only. The data generated in speech experiments depend to a large degree on methodological factors, such as segmentation procedure and the presence or absence of noise (Pols & Schouten, 1978, 1981. The perceptual asymmetry between initial and final formant transitions observed in other studies does not necessarily stand in contradiction to the results of this study; rather it is not anticipated to occur in a carefully balanced laboratory experiment.…”

Section: The Perceptual Asymmetry Between Initial (Cv) and Final (Vc)contrasting

confidence: 50%

“…However, from the literature it is difficult to draw solid conclusions with respect to a possible perceptual asymmetry between CV and VC syllables in speech. Several speech experiments have shown VC transitions to be more consonant-specific than CV ones (e.g., Ohde & Sharf, 1977;Pols, 1979;Sharf & Hemeyer, 1972), although other studies show either just the opposite (e.g., Dorman, Studdert-Kennedy, & Raphael, 1977), or even a lack of asymmetry (Pols & Schouten, 1978, 1981. It is often argued that listeners may learn to depend more on VC transitions than on other consonantal cues, because plosives are often not released in final position.…”

Section: Perceptual Asymmetry Between CV and Vc Transitionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Perception of Highly Dynamic Properties in Speech

Wieringen¹,

Pols²

2012

Listening to Speech

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“…For plosive pairs, some of the gates spanning the closure were omitted, as they added only silence. The last 2 msec of each gate was windowed to produce an accelerating attenuation that eliminated audible clicks (see Ohde & Sharf, 1981;Pols & Schouten, 1981).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%