1987
DOI: 10.2307/622527
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Ideal and Reality in English Episcopal Medieval Town Planning

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Cited by 59 publications
(12 citation statements)
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“…Slater (1981, 1987) showed that a ‘long perpetuation of lot boundaries’ in old Medieval ‘burgages’ (‘basic “cells” in any analysis of medieval town plans’, p. 211) continued in Winchester and York. Suffice it to say that the morphology of towns does not easily change even with changes in the political environment.…”
Section: Resilience Of the First Formal Town Plan And Natural Units Omentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Slater (1981, 1987) showed that a ‘long perpetuation of lot boundaries’ in old Medieval ‘burgages’ (‘basic “cells” in any analysis of medieval town plans’, p. 211) continued in Winchester and York. Suffice it to say that the morphology of towns does not easily change even with changes in the political environment.…”
Section: Resilience Of the First Formal Town Plan And Natural Units Omentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Are these places really so similar and/or different in their forms, and if so why is this? Without a close contextual reading of contemporary sources, comparing medieval town plans like this often only leads to uncertainty in matters of urban design and planning, especially where written sources are absent, as is typically the case for 'new towns' founded in England before the thirteenth century (Slater 1987;Lilley 2001). What follows here is a brief discussion arising from comparing the c .1300 plans of Rhuddlan and Flint, Conwy and Beaumaris, and placing them within the milieu of activity of castle construction and urban formation that was going on contemporaneously in each case, and which is revealed through the records made by those involved in the design and planning process.…”
Section: Comparing the Built Forms Of Edward's New Townsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As Whitehand (1981) has shown, their two approaches were quite different, with Dickinson adopting a taxonomic method of classifying the layouts of medieval towns and cities according to the characteristics of their street layout, and Conzen preferring instead to recognize that fossilized within the composite forms of European towns and cities were the medieval stages of evolution, their medieval morphogenesis. It is this latter, ‘Conzenian’ approach (Whitehand and Larkham 1992, 5–8, 10–11) that has since held dominance in the mapping of medieval urban landscapes in Anglophone human geography (Simms 1979; Slater 1987; Lilley 2000a), providing historical geographers, urban archaeologists and medieval historians with opportunities to piece together what urban landscapes physically looked like, on the ground, and how and when they were formed and transformed during the Middle Ages (Brooks and Whittington 1977; Baker and Slater 1992). For the most part this involves using nineteenth‐century cartography, particularly large‐scale (1:500 and 1:2500) town‐plans, as a basis for analysing the forms of streets and plots, creating maps of the discrete morphological areas (‘plan units’) and then linking these expressions of the physical form of a particular town or city with documentary and archaeological evidence to reveal its sequence of medieval morphogenesis, and thus perhaps account for particular reasons why an urban landscape took the particular form that it did (Slater 1987 1996; Lilley 1999 2000b).…”
Section: ‘Mapping’ Urban Morphologiesmentioning
confidence: 99%