<i>La Violencia</i> Revisited: the Clientelist Bases of Political Violence in Colombia

Schmidt, Steffen W.

doi:10.1017/s0022216x00008312

Cited by 29 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…Sobresale una respuesta en la que los autores dejan de creer en que el Estado resulte de intenciones voluntarias de grupos e individuos, para creer en que en cambio de una causa, el Estado es una consecuencia de otro "fenómeno" que denominan "sistema nacional". Entienden este último como la cristalización particular nacional de un conjunto de fuerzas "invisibles" que actúa de acuerdo con direcciones mundiales timoneadas "autónomamente" por la economía de mercados y sin comandancia humana (Arocha, 1979;Bejarano, 1983;Bergquist, 1995;Caballero, 1976;Colectivo Proletarización, 1975;Fajardo, 1984;Henderson, 1985;Jaramillo, 1982;Medina, 1980;Merchán, 1975;Oquist, 1978;Ortiz, 1985;Palacios, 2002;Pecaut, 1987;Sánchez y Meertens, 1983;Sánchez, 1987;Schmidt, 1974;Urrutia, 1969;Zuleta, 1975).…”

Section: Estado Revivido: Literatura Publicada Entre 1974 Y 1989unclassified

Parte 2: Lenguaje. Capítulo 1: La crueldad en Colombia

Pardo¹

2020

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Section: Estado Revivido: Literatura Publicada Entre 1974 Y 1989unclassified

Parte 2: Lenguaje. Capítulo 1: La crueldad en Colombia

Pardo¹

2020

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“…With uneven economic growth plaguing the nation, the assassination of the Liberal Jorge Gaitán, in 1948 marked the beginning of the violent conflict known in Colombia simply as La Violencia: during this period 200,000 people lost their lives, mostly in rural areas (Oquist 1978;Wickham-Crowley 1993). Scholars have often linked the period of violence to a conflict between the two political parties (Sánchez and Meertens 2001;Schmidt 1974), although these accounts omit the level of tension in rural areas, due to high levels of poverty and an unequal distribution of land (Oquist 1978;Zamosc 1986;LeGrand 1986). The eminent historian on Colombia,…”

Section: The 1950s and Rising Rural Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Intersection of Violence and Land Inequality in Modern Colombia

Nelson¹

2019

Research in Political Sociology

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It is a pleasure to sit down and thank the many people who have contributed to this study.In particular, I would like to thank several scholars, both Colombian and American, who have shared their knowledge and enthusiasm for such a beautiful and complex country. James Robinson at Harvard University was quite helpful in putting me in contact with colleagues in Colombia, and in thinking about the idea of the frontier. Ana María Ibáñez at Universidad de los Andes in Bogotá was very generous in sharing the recent data on land gini collected by her team in collaboration with the geographic institute IGAC. Andres Zambrano at UCLA was kind enough to put me in contact with several of his colleagues in Colombia, and helped me to secure access to the CEDE-UNIANDES-IGAC data. Oliver Kaplan and Michael Albertus were also very generous, and shared their data on land reform enthusiastically.The Department of Sociology at UCLA, and Los Angeles more generally, have been my home for the past eight years. The research was made possible by fellowships from the Department of Sociology. My dissertation committee at UCLA has provided me with excellent guidance through what seemed at times an insurmountable process. Vilma Ortiz has been a warm and dedicated mentor, and helped me stick to this project when it felt like it was too hard to continue. Gabriel Rossman has provided incisive comments at each stage, and really helped tighten my thinking on networks and hierarchy, as well as broaden the scope theoretically; his breadth of knowledge is amazing. Mark Sawyer was a great outside member, and really helped me engage more with political science and political sociology, deepening my theoretical framework. My chair, César Ayala, has been with me since I began the program at UCLA, and has seen me through each stage of this process. He has provided encouragement and support throughout all of these stages, believing in me even in the periods when I lost focus. I would also x like to thank several of my fellow graduate students, without which I would not have been able to endure this process: in particular, Alex Huezo, Mateo Schoorl, Anthony Alvarez, and Dwight Davis. I am lucky to have found people I can call good friends while in graduate school. This dissertation is dedicated to my family: to my father, Carl, my mother Carmen and my brother Chris. They have provided me with endless love and support through the years, recharging me on trips home to Boulder with outdoor BBQs on our back deck, tennis games with my uncle Gustavo, hikes to Brainard Lake, ski trips to Telluride, trips to Ten Ten Brasserie and to Jax. My father started a program at UCLA in the Department of Geology in the 1970s. He inspired me to become a better thinker and to approach the world with patience and warmth and thoughtfulness. My mother has been my champion (even when she has embarrassed me), and has constantly shown me how to balance graduate school with the arts, and to become a more complete person. My brother has been an inspiration to me ever since we were litt...

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“…In their cases, clients were mobilized to blockade major highways, loot small businesses, and even burn down part of a poor neighborhood to send a message about territorial control. Patronage networks have also been found to be important in mobilizing contentious action in Indonesia (Kalyvas, 2003), Colombia (Schmidt, 1974), and Japan (Broadbent, 1999). As Auyero et al (2009, p. 12) write, 'Wellfunctioning patronage networks can be purposively activated to conduct politics by other collective (and sometimes violent) means'.…”

Section: Extra-legal Mobilization As Investment In (De)mobilizing Netmentioning

confidence: 99%

Changes in the menu of manipulation: Electoral fraud, ballot stuffing, and voter pressure in the 2011 Russian election

Harvey

2016

Electoral Studies

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Vote-buying and voter intimidation are costly, complicated, and risky ways to manage elections. Why, then, do hybrid regimes utilize such tactics rather than ballot stuffing or election falsification? Such methods to mobilize voters require the construction of patronage networks that can be used to mobilize or demobilize clients beyond the election, and to display the incumbent's organizational strength. These networks are most valuable in places where opposition groups are active; consequently direct voter pressure should be more common in competitive areas. This paper uses data from Russia's 83 regions during the 2011 election to compare patterns of extra-legal mobilization with patterns of ballot stuffing and falsification. I conclude that local political competitiveness structures the mix of electoral manipulation tactics employed.

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La Violencia Revisited: the Clientelist Bases of Political Violence in Colombia

Cited by 29 publications

References 2 publications

Parte 2: Lenguaje. Capítulo 1: La crueldad en Colombia

Parte 2: Lenguaje. Capítulo 1: La crueldad en Colombia

The Intersection of Violence and Land Inequality in Modern Colombia

Changes in the menu of manipulation: Electoral fraud, ballot stuffing, and voter pressure in the 2011 Russian election

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