“…Of these, 28 studies focussed on an element of the content itself as the unit of analysis, either on particular platforms for example, videos about recovery from self-harm on YouTube (Ryan-Vig et al , 2019) or tweets about self-harm or suicide (Hilton, 2017; Lee and Kwon, 2018; Spates et al , 2020) or posted content across different media (for example, images tagged as self-harm (Shanahan et al , 2019) or posts tagged with #cutting (Miguel et al , 2017). The remaining 23 studies engaged to some extent with the interactivity of platforms by following particular threads on discussion boards or chats (Niederkrotenthaler et al , 2016; Niederkrotenthaler and Till, 2019; Williams et al , 2020) or analysing comments and responses in addition to the original posts (Carlyle et al , 2018; Dagar and Falcone, 2020; Tao and Jacobs, 2019).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Of these, 28 studies focused on an element of the content itself as the unit of analysis, either on particular platforms (for example videos about recovery from selfharm on YouTube (Ryan-Vig et al, 2019) or tweets about self-harm or suicide (Hilton, 2017;Lee and Kwon, 2018;Spates et al, 2020) or posted content across different media (for example images tagged as self-harm (Shanahan et al, 2019) or posts tagged with #cutting (Miguel et al, 2017). The remaining 23 studies engaged to some extent with the interactivity of platforms by following particular threads on discussion boards or chats (Niederkrotenthaler, et al, 2016;Niederkrotenthaler and Till, 2019;Williams et al, 2020) or analysing comments and responses in addition to the original posts (Carlyle, et al, 2018;Dagar and Falcone, 2020;Tao and Jacobs, 2019). Some studies highlighted content they regarded as explicitly harmful, such as the use of Twitter to make suicide pacts (Lee and Kwon, 2018), active encouragement to suicide in response to expression of suicidal thoughts (Brown et al, 2019;O'Dea et al, 2018) and baiting or jeering in response to suicide attempts (Li et al, 2015;Ma, et al, 2016;Phillips and Mann, 2019;Westerlund et al, 2015).…”
Section: The Medium and The Nature Of Form And Contentmentioning
Purpose
There are calls for greater regulation of online content related to self-harm and suicide, particularly that which is user-generated. However, the online space is a source of support and advice, including an important sharing of experiences. This study aims to explore what it is about such online content, and how people interact with it, that may confer harm or offer benefit.
Design/methodology/approach
The authors undertook a systematic review of the published evidence, using customised searches up to February 2021 in seven databases. The authors included empirical research on the internet or online use and self-harm or suicide content that had been indexed since 2015. The authors undertook a theoretically driven narrative synthesis.
Findings
From 4,493 unique records, 87 met our inclusion criteria. The literature is rapidly expanding and not all the evidence is high quality, with very few longitudinal or intervention studies so little evidence to understand possible causal links. Very little content online is classifiable as explicitly harmful or definitively helpful, with responses varying by the individual and immediate context. The authors present a framework that seeks to represent the interplay in online use between the person, the medium, the content and the outcome.
Originality/value
This review highlights that content should not be considered separately to the person accessing it, so online safety means thinking about all users. Blanket removal or unthinking regulation may be more harmful than helpful. A focus on safe browsing is important and tools that limit time and diversify content would support this.
“…Of these, 28 studies focussed on an element of the content itself as the unit of analysis, either on particular platforms for example, videos about recovery from self-harm on YouTube (Ryan-Vig et al , 2019) or tweets about self-harm or suicide (Hilton, 2017; Lee and Kwon, 2018; Spates et al , 2020) or posted content across different media (for example, images tagged as self-harm (Shanahan et al , 2019) or posts tagged with #cutting (Miguel et al , 2017). The remaining 23 studies engaged to some extent with the interactivity of platforms by following particular threads on discussion boards or chats (Niederkrotenthaler et al , 2016; Niederkrotenthaler and Till, 2019; Williams et al , 2020) or analysing comments and responses in addition to the original posts (Carlyle et al , 2018; Dagar and Falcone, 2020; Tao and Jacobs, 2019).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Of these, 28 studies focused on an element of the content itself as the unit of analysis, either on particular platforms (for example videos about recovery from selfharm on YouTube (Ryan-Vig et al, 2019) or tweets about self-harm or suicide (Hilton, 2017;Lee and Kwon, 2018;Spates et al, 2020) or posted content across different media (for example images tagged as self-harm (Shanahan et al, 2019) or posts tagged with #cutting (Miguel et al, 2017). The remaining 23 studies engaged to some extent with the interactivity of platforms by following particular threads on discussion boards or chats (Niederkrotenthaler, et al, 2016;Niederkrotenthaler and Till, 2019;Williams et al, 2020) or analysing comments and responses in addition to the original posts (Carlyle, et al, 2018;Dagar and Falcone, 2020;Tao and Jacobs, 2019). Some studies highlighted content they regarded as explicitly harmful, such as the use of Twitter to make suicide pacts (Lee and Kwon, 2018), active encouragement to suicide in response to expression of suicidal thoughts (Brown et al, 2019;O'Dea et al, 2018) and baiting or jeering in response to suicide attempts (Li et al, 2015;Ma, et al, 2016;Phillips and Mann, 2019;Westerlund et al, 2015).…”
Section: The Medium and The Nature Of Form And Contentmentioning
Purpose
There are calls for greater regulation of online content related to self-harm and suicide, particularly that which is user-generated. However, the online space is a source of support and advice, including an important sharing of experiences. This study aims to explore what it is about such online content, and how people interact with it, that may confer harm or offer benefit.
Design/methodology/approach
The authors undertook a systematic review of the published evidence, using customised searches up to February 2021 in seven databases. The authors included empirical research on the internet or online use and self-harm or suicide content that had been indexed since 2015. The authors undertook a theoretically driven narrative synthesis.
Findings
From 4,493 unique records, 87 met our inclusion criteria. The literature is rapidly expanding and not all the evidence is high quality, with very few longitudinal or intervention studies so little evidence to understand possible causal links. Very little content online is classifiable as explicitly harmful or definitively helpful, with responses varying by the individual and immediate context. The authors present a framework that seeks to represent the interplay in online use between the person, the medium, the content and the outcome.
Originality/value
This review highlights that content should not be considered separately to the person accessing it, so online safety means thinking about all users. Blanket removal or unthinking regulation may be more harmful than helpful. A focus on safe browsing is important and tools that limit time and diversify content would support this.
“…Depression studies use health communication to analyze how society perceives depression. This spans everything from how depression is represented in the media and public-health messaging initiatives to contacts between patients and doctors (43)(44)(45)(46). Research into this problem is based on the fact that the ways in which the media characterize depression and other mental disorders affect people's perceptions of them.…”
Section: Literature Review On Recovery From Depressionmentioning
IntroductionDespite extensive research on clinical treatments for depression, there remains a significant gap in understanding of the lived experiences and recovery journeys of those with depression. This study sought to explore the recovery process through an “anti-stigmatizing” lens, emphasizing the cultural–psychological mechanisms at play and the importance of personal narratives in shaping the recovery trajectory.MethodsUsing a collaborative autoethnographic approach, this report focuses on the first author’s journey of depression recovery. This research methodology allows for an in-depth exploration of subjective experiences, with a specific emphasis on the interaction between societal stigma, personal identity, and mental-health challenges.ResultsIt is found that the depression-recovery experience can be divided into four stages from an anti-stigma perspective: (1) encountering the public stigma of emotions; (2) internalizing the stigma to a self-stigma; (3) “decriminalizing” the expected stigma of a “depressed” identity through diagnosis; and (4) being able to cope with and understanding the public stigma relating to depression when facing it again. Key factors that were found to contribute to recovery were self-awareness, community empowerment, and recognition and acceptance by close friends and family.DiscussionWe propose a reconceptualization of depression that incorporates a societal perspective on internalized stigma. Recovery from depression is not merely a medical process; it also pertains to how the patient frees themselves from public stigma. The results strongly indicate the need for a paradigm shift toward a more inclusive and empathetic approach to mental-health care, and we emphasize the importance of personal narratives in depression recovery.
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