<i>Elsewhere</i> in Romance: Evidence from Clitic Clusters

Pescarini, Diego

doi:10.1162/ling_a_00003

Cited by 47 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 12 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…According to Nevins, a feature dissimilation rule is at play in the case of se lo deleting the features [-Author][-Part] from the clitic le , thus giving rise to the impersonal form se which, he argues, has no feature specifi cations at all. 6 Th is rule, according to Nevins, is a morphological rather than a syntactic constraint and is similar to the accounts of Bonet ( 1991 ) or Pescarini ( 2010 ) in not aiming to interact with or be sensitive to structural constraints. Nevins purports to provide empirical evidence for the constraint underlying spurious se , i.e.…”

Section: Are Pg Person Restrictions Problematic For Current Pcc Analymentioning

confidence: 61%

“…Th e fi rst type of analysis, endorsed by Bonet ( 1991Bonet ( , 1994, Cuervo ( 2002 ), Monachesi ( 2005 ), Heap ( 2005 ), and Pescarini ( 2010 ), inter alia, assumes that person restrictions in clitic clusters are morphological in nature: a post-syntactic mechanism is blamed for both the bans on specifi c clitic clusters and their replacement with either alternative clitic forms or obliteration. For example, under a recent analysis of this style of explanation, Pescarini ( 2010 ) that person restrictions result from a "constellation of diff erent constraints". He presents three fi lters as needed to capture the whole range of person restrictions, noting beforehand that these are "simple stipulations that sum up a system of restrictions that I will not address here" (Pescarini 2010 : 431).…”

Section: Are Pg Person Restrictions Problematic For Current Pcc Analymentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Standard Modern and Pontic Greek Person Restrictions: A Feature-Free Dynamic Account

Chatzikyriakidis¹,

Kempson²

2011

J Greek Linguist

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In this paper, using new evidence from Pontic Greek (PG) in addition to Standard Modern Greek, we argue that the Person Case Constraint (PCC), generally presumed to be an irreducible morphosyntactic constraint on clitic pronoun combinations and argued by several to provide evidence of feature-driven syntactic operations, is a direct consequence of processing considerations, these new data being inexplicable under any of the current feature-driven analyses , in which syntax is defi ned as the monotonic incremental growth of semantic structure, with structural underspecifi cation and update as the core syntactic notion, we argue that the PCC is wholly due to restrictions on tree-growth imposed by the logic of fi nite trees: that these should underpin observed gaps in possible clitic combinations is due to clitics being calcifi ed refl exes of previously available tree-growth update-sequences whose variability is the source of word order variation. More specifi cally, we argue that PCC eff ects, including the problematic PG data, are the consequence of a tree-logic restriction that only one unfi xed node can be present in a tree at any stage in the tree growth process. PG, a dialect in which no 3rd person clitic clusters are allowed, provides strong evidence for such a feature-free account. Contrary to current feature-based analyses, which would preclude such data, the analysis presented here is shown to directly predict the Pontic Greek data, thus pointing towards a feature-free account of the PCC.

show abstract

Section: Are Pg Person Restrictions Problematic For Current Pcc Analymentioning

confidence: 61%

Section: Are Pg Person Restrictions Problematic For Current Pcc Analymentioning

confidence: 99%

Standard Modern and Pontic Greek Person Restrictions: A Feature-Free Dynamic Account

Chatzikyriakidis¹,

Kempson²

2011

J Greek Linguist

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…This is because realization rules in such theories (including the Vocabulary Insertion Rules of Distributed Morphology) are formulated in terms of sets of features. It follows that any theory of the bundles of syntactic features or the hierarchical syntactic structure associated with a particular domain automatically makes strong and testable predictions about possible and impossible syncretisms in that domain (see Caha 2009;Pescarini 2010;Radkevich 2010;Pantcheva 2011;Bobaljik 2012;Smith et al 2016; many others for applications of this reasoning to various domains). The decompositional system sketched in the previous section makes such predictions for the domain of v BE .…”

Section: Prolegomenon To a Test Of The Possible And Impossible Syncrementioning

confidence: 99%

Complex copula systems as suppletive allomorphy

Myler

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Languages are known to vary in the number of verbs they exhibit corresponding to English be, in the distribution of such copular verbs, and in the presence or absence of a distinct verb for possession sentences corresponding to English have. This paper offers novel arguments for the position that such differences should be modeled in terms of suppletive allomorphy of the same syntactic element (here dubbed v BE ), employing a Late Insertion-based framework. It is shown that such a suppletive allomorphy approach to complex copula systems makes three predictions that distinguish it from non-suppletion-based alternatives (concerning decomposition, possible and impossible syncretisms, and Impoverishment), and that these predictions seem to be correct (although a full test of the possible and impossible syncretisms prediction is not possible in the current state of knowledge).

show abstract

“…(56) a. ci/*si si lava (Italian) b. se se lava (Venetian) c. un/*s as lava (Piedmontese, Parry 1998:91) 'One washes him/herself' As suggested by Grimshaw (1997Grimshaw ( , 2000, Maiden (2000), Pescarini (2010) among others, the opacity of clusters displayed by Italian-type languages is probably triggered by an identity-avoidance principle preventing two occurrences of the same exponent within the same cluster. In the light of the previous analysis, one might argue that Venetan-type dialects allow se se sequences as sarb can 'rebel', i.e.…”

Section: An Aside On Placement Phenomenamentioning

confidence: 99%

Subject and impersonal clitics in northern Italian dialects

Pescarini¹

2018

From Sounds to Structures

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The present contribution focuses on the interaction between the impersonal si/se and subject clitics in northern Italian dialects. In western dialects, si co-occurs with a non-agreeing clitic form (while it cannot co-occur with object clitics in the so-called passive-si construction); in Venetan dialects, the co-occurrence of se and subject clitics is degraded/ungrammatical, while in Friulian the combination is acceptable, but the subject clitic is dropped. I argue that the peculiar behaviour of northern Italian dialects results from the Multiple-Agree relation holding between T, sarb, and the argument of passive-like constructions (D'Alessandro 2007), coupled with language-specific constraints on the realisation of T's features (Calabrese & Pescarini 2014).

show abstract

Elsewhere in Romance: Evidence from Clitic Clusters

Cited by 47 publications

References 12 publications

Standard Modern and Pontic Greek Person Restrictions: A Feature-Free Dynamic Account

Standard Modern and Pontic Greek Person Restrictions: A Feature-Free Dynamic Account

Complex copula systems as suppletive allomorphy

Subject and impersonal clitics in northern Italian dialects

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About