<i>Cancer has nothing on Islam</i>: a study of discourses by group elite and supporters of the English defence league

Brindle, Andrew

doi:10.1080/17405904.2016.1169196

Cited by 22 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…And we find 'the feminine, liberal politicians' who take part in the Muslim conspiracy betraying 'the (non-Muslim) Danes'. By comparing the ethno-cultural antagonism on the studied Facebook pages with studies of far-right discourse, it becomes evident that both the pages and commenting users tapped into a larger reservoir of xenophobic, anti-Muslim and racist discourses proliferating in Europe (Awan, 2016;Brindle, 2016;Horsti, 2016). In Danish politics, Muslim immigrants have repeatedly been portrayed as harmful to the economy, a threat to national security and fundamentally irreconcilable with Danish culture (Hervik, 2011;Yilmaz, 2016).…”

Section: Discussion: the Civilised Barbaric And Naïvementioning

confidence: 99%

Platformed antagonism: racist discourses on fake Muslim Facebook pages

Farkas

Schou

Neumayer

2018

Critical Discourse Studies

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This research examines how fake identities on social media create and sustain antagonistic and racist discourses. It does so by analysing 11 Danish Facebook pages, disguised as Muslim extremists living in Denmark, conspiring to kill and rape Danish citizens. It explores how anonymous content producers utilise Facebook's socio-technical characteristics to construct, what we propose to term as, platformed antagonism. This term refers to socio-technical and discursive practices that produce new modes of antagonistic relations on social media platforms. Through a discourse-theoretical analysis of posts, images, 'about' sections and user comments on the studied Facebook pages, the article highlights how antagonism between ethno-cultural identities is produced on social media through fictitious social media accounts, prompting thousands of user reactions. These findings enhance our current understanding of how antagonism and racism are constructed and amplified within social media environments. ARTICLE HISTORY

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Section: Discussion: the Civilised Barbaric And Naïvementioning

confidence: 99%

Platformed antagonism: racist discourses on fake Muslim Facebook pages

Farkas

Schou

Neumayer

2018

Critical Discourse Studies

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“…Use of this 'out-group provoked crisisin-group enabled solution' discourse strategy is common across other extremist ideology formations, ranging from jihadi ideology groups (see e.g. Lorenzo-Dus & Macdonald, 2018) and US white supremacists (Brindle, 2016a(Brindle, , 2016b through to populist (de Vreese et al, 2018) and extreme right groups (e.g. Brindle & MacMillan, 2017;Wodak, 2015).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Within this literature, studies of the discourse of US white supremacist groups are comparatively scarce. Notable exceptions, focusing on online contexts, include analysis of the white supremacist website Stormfront.org (Baumgarten, 2017;Brindle, 2016a) and of the language of Trump's supporters and their denial of racism on the social media platform Reddit (Subtirelu, 2017).…”

Section: The Online Discourse Of Us White Nationalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

The discourse of the US alt-right online – a case study of the Traditionalist Worker Party blog

Lorenzo-Dus

Nouri

2020

Critical Discourse Studies

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The use of social media by extreme right groups and the selfproclaimed formation of the 'alt-right' in recent years have been linked to the rise in US white nationalism. Against a backdrop of widespread concern regarding the growing nature of the 'altright' phenomenon, this article responds to the pressing need to understand its appeal. Specifically, we examine the discursive means by which a hitherto unexamined US 'alt-right' group, the Traditionalist Worker Party, constructs its group identity and ideology online. Corpus assisted discourse analysis of this group's blog (c. one million words) reveals that the Traditionalist Worker Party regularly mobilises five discourses (groupness, party politics, race, religion/tradition, change) in order to assert subject positions of victimhood for its (to be) members, alongside recurrent use of explicit out-grouping strategies. The out-groups are blamed for a general malaisean uncertain, chaotic reality that can and must be changed through affiliation with the Traditionalist Worker Party. The study also shows that the Traditionalist Worker Party constructs itself a highly entitative group as a means to enhancing its recruitment appeal.

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“…The majority of them focus on hate speech ( N = 17), with the exception of Bartle ( 2000 ) that focuses on hate crime and analyses congress hearings text to understand the experiences of victims of anti‐lesbian hate crime in the USA. An example of a qualitative text analysis tool is Brindle ( 2016 ), which uses discourse and linguistic analysis to analyse text produced by the English Defence League (EDL). The analysis identified a list of terms that were most used in the group's online pages (e.g., Islam, radical, militant) and then conducted a qualitative discourse analysis to understand the context and meanings associated with the terms.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mapping the scientific knowledge and approaches to defining and measuring hate crime, hate speech, and hate incidents: A systematic review

Vergani,

Perry,

Freilich

et al. 2024

Campbell Systematic Reviews

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BackgroundThe difficulties in defining hate crime, hate incidents and hate speech, and in finding a common conceptual basis constitute a key barrier toward operationalisation in research, policy and programming. Definitions disagree about issues such as the identities that should be protected, the types of behaviours that should be referred to as hateful, and how the ‘hate element’ should be assessed. The lack of solid conceptual foundations is reflected in the absence of sound data. These issues have been raised since the early 1990s (Berk, 1990; Byers & Venturelli, 1994) but they proved to be an intractable problem that continues to affect this research and policy domain.ObjectivesOur systematic review has two objectives that are fundamentally connected: mapping (1) original definitions and (2) original measurement tools of hate crime, hate speech, hate incidents and surrogate terms, that is, alternative terms used for these concepts (e.g., prejudice‐motivated crime, bias crime, among many others).Search MethodsWe systematically searched over 19 databases to retrieve academic and grey literature, as well as legislation. In addition, we contacted 26 country experts and searched 211 websites, as well as bibliographies of published reviews of related literature, and scrutiny of annotated bibliographies of related literature.Inclusion CriteriaThis review included documents published after 1990 found in academic literature, grey literature and legislation. We included academic empirical articles with any study design, as well as theoretical articles that focused specifically on defining hate crime, hate speech, hate incidents or surrogate terms. We also reviewed current criminal or civil legislation that is intended to regulate forms of hate speech, hate incidents and hate crimes. Eligible countries included Canada, USA, UK, Ireland, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Australia and New Zealand. For documents to be included in relation to research objective (1), they had to contain at least one original definition of hate speech, hate incidents or hate crimes, or any surrogate term. For documents to be included in relation to research objective (2), they had to contain at least one original measurement tool of hate speech, hate incidents or hate crimes, or any surrogate term. Documents could be included in relation to both research objectives.Data Collection and AnalysisThe systematic search covered 1 January 1990 to 31 December 2021, with searches of academic databases conducted between 8th March and 12th April 2022 yielding 35,191 references. We carried out country‐specific searches for grey literature published in the same time period between 27th August and 2nd December 2021. These searches yielded a total of 2748 results. We coded characteristics of the definitions and measurement tools, including the protected characteristics, the approaches to categorise the ‘hate element’ and other variables. We used univariate and bivariate statistical methods for data analysis. We also carried out a social network analysis.Main ResultsWe provide as annex complete lists of the original definitions and measurement tools that met our inclusion criteria, for the use of researchers and policy makers worldwide. We included 423 definitions and 168 measurement tools in academic and grey literature, and 83 definitions found in legislation. To support future research and policy work in this area, we included a synthetic assessment of the (1) the operationalisability of each definition and (2) the theoretical robustness and transparency of each measurement tool. Our mapping of the definitions and measurement tools revealed numerous significant trends, clusters and differences between and within definitions and measurement tools focusing on hate crime, hate speech and hate incidents. For example, definitions and measurement tools tend to focus more on ethnic and religious identities (e.g., racism, antisemitism, Islamophobia) compared to sexual, gender and disability‐related identities. This gap is greater in the definitions and measurement tools of hate speech than hate crime. Our analysis showed geographical patterns: hate crime definitions and measurement tools are more likely to originate from Anglophonic countries, especially the USA, but hate speech definitions and measurement tools are more likely to originate from continental Europe. In terms of disciplinary fragmentation, our social network analysis revealed that the collaboration and exchange of conceptual frameworks and methodological tools between social sciences and computer science is limited, with most definitions and measurement tools clustering along disciplinary lines. More detailed findings are presented in the results section of the report.Authors' ConclusionsThere is an urgent need to close the research and policy gap between the protections of ‘ethnic and religious identities’ and other (less) protected characteristics such as gender and sexual identities, age and disability. There is also an urgent need to improve the quality of methodological and reporting standards in research examining hate behaviours, including transparency in methodology and data reporting, and discussion of limitations (e.g., bias in data). Many of the measurement tools found in the academic literature were excluded because they did not report transparently how they collected and analysed the data. Further, 41% of documents presenting research on hate behaviours did not provide a definition of what they were looking at. Given the importance of this policy domain, it is vital to raise the quality and trustworthiness of research in this area. This review found that researchers in different disciplinary areas (e.g., social sciences and computer science) rarely collaborate. Future research should attempt to build on existing definitions and measurement tools (instead of duplicating efforts), and engage in more interdisciplinary collaborations. It is our hope that that this review can provide a solid foundation for researchers, government, and other bodies to build cumulative knowledge and collaboration in this important field.

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Cancer has nothing on Islam: a study of discourses by group elite and supporters of the English defence league

Cited by 22 publications

References 12 publications

Platformed antagonism: racist discourses on fake Muslim Facebook pages

Platformed antagonism: racist discourses on fake Muslim Facebook pages

The discourse of the US alt-right online – a case study of the Traditionalist Worker Party blog

Mapping the scientific knowledge and approaches to defining and measuring hate crime, hate speech, and hate incidents: A systematic review

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