Hyperpartisan news: Rethinking the media for populist politics

Rae, Maria

doi:10.1177/1461444820910416

Cited by 73 publications

(55 citation statements)

References 37 publications

(40 reference statements)

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“…Euskalnews completes this approach with two common obsessions of far-right wing media, such as vaccines (Douglas, 2021) and migration (Rone, 2020), even if its connection to the coronavirus is tangential. In all cases, one can clearly identify the pattern of a populist (Muller and Schulz, 2021;Rae, 2020) and polarized discourse (Stroud, 2010), aligned with far-right ideology.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 96%

Pseudo-Media Sites, Polarization, and Pandemic Skepticism in Spain

Sampío

2021

Front. Polit. Sci.

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The Coronavirus pandemic has triggered an authentic infodemic, which is a global epidemic of disinformation that has spread throughout most of the world. Social media platforms and pseudo-media outlets have contributed to the problem by producing and disseminating misleading content that is potentially dangerous to public health. This research focuses on a rather unknown phenomenon, which involves digital sites that mimic the appearance of news media but provide pseudo-information. Five Spanish pseudo-media have been analyzed with the aim of enhancing understanding of the issues and the frames presented. The results show clear links with the far-right ideology as well as the presence of a populist, polarized discourse through the use of belligerent, offensive expressions to refer to institutions and their representatives. Politics is the main issue represented, with a frame that clearly points out the incompetence and cynicism of the Spanish government. Conspiracy theories associate the origins of the pandemic to a Chinese laboratory and emphasize a global plan to establish systemic control. Measures to stop the virus are framed as harmful and ineffective, linked to a euthanasia scheme targeted at older people, especially regarding vaccination, which is presented as a solution offered for economic interests.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 96%

Pseudo-Media Sites, Polarization, and Pandemic Skepticism in Spain

Sampío

2021

Front. Polit. Sci.

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“…But a more inclusive conceptualisation of alternative media has been resisted because of the particular characteristics of new left-wing and right-wing alternative mediaincluding sites such as The Canary and Breitbart-that champion a highly partisan agenda and vehemently oppose mainstream media (Rae 2020). Their rise has been connected with the more populist political environment of recent years (Fenton 2018), which, in turn, has created a new media environment that privileges a hyperpartisan reporting style and form.…”

Section: Interpreting Alternative Media and Hyperpartisan Newsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Their rise has been connected with the more populist political environment of recent years (Fenton 2018), which, in turn, has created a new media environment that privileges a hyperpartisan reporting style and form. According to Rae (2020), hyperpartisan news represents a personalisation (bias towards a political leader); bad manners, emotionalisation and simplification (transgressive style); polarisation (shuns objectivity and facts to be overtly partisan), intensification (the elevation of partisan journalism to a 'hyper' extreme) and anti-establishment (openly hostile towards mainstream media and political parties while appealing directly to the 'people' as content consumers and distributors through social media).…”

Section: Interpreting Alternative Media and Hyperpartisan Newsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why National Media Systems Matter: A Longitudinal Analysis of How UK Left-Wing and Right-Wing Alternative Media Critique Mainstream Media (2015–2018)

2021

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In recent years, the growth of new alternative media has brought greater editorial choice and diversity to political coverage in many advanced democracies. But their coverage of mainstream media and portrayal of professional journalism has been subject to little academic attention. This study examined the role alternative political media play in advancing public debate about the value and editorial standards of a national media system. Drawing on a longitudinal content analysis of UK alternative media between 2015 and 2018 (N = 3452), we found that mainstream media was often crticised-particularly in left-wing sites-and that disapproval of professional journalism intensified over time, most strikingly during the 2017 general election campaign. We also discovered that BBC news was often singled out for its political reporting, with criticism directed at its perceived bias and lack of impartiality. Overall, we argue it is the dominant characteristics of mainstream media in national media systems that help shape the editorial agenda of alternative media and the nature of criticism directed at professional journalism. We conclude that more comparative research is needed about how alternative media represent professional journalism, and whether they are influencing people's understanding of politics and public affairs.

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“…NYT is a highly influential, mainstream, legacy newspaper that leans moderately liberal (left) on the standard liberal-conservative spectrum (Budak et al, 2016). Breitbart.com, founded in 2007 by Andrew Breitbart and taken over by Steve Bannon in 2012, exemplifies a 'hyperpartisan' (Rae, 2021) form of polemical right-wing news, establishing itself as a 'a rallying point for the 'alt-right', a loosely constructed 'movement' that brings together white supremacism, anti-feminism, anti-Islamic, and anti-Semitic extremism' (Davis, 2019: 244, citing Posner, 2016.…”

Section: Framing Ideology and Political Mobilisation In Nyt And Breitbartmentioning

confidence: 99%

Separated by a common language: How Breitbart and The New York Times produce different meanings from common words

2021

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We build on the work by Peled and Bonotti to illuminate the impact of linguistic relativity on democratic debate. Peled and Bonotti’s focus is on multilingual societies, and their worry is that ‘unconscious epistemic effects’ can undermine political reasoning between interlocutors who do not share the same native tongue. Our article makes two contributions. First, we argue that Peled and Bonotti’s concerns about linguistic relativity are just as relevant to monolingual discourse. We use machine learning to provide novel evidence of the linguistic discrepancies between two ideologically distant groups that speak the same language: readers of Breitbart and of The New York Times. We suggest that intralinguistic relativity can be at least as harmful to successful public deliberation and political negotiation as interlinguistic relativity. Second, we endorse the building of metalinguistic awareness to address problematic kinds of linguistic relativity and argue that the method of discourse analysis we use in this article is a good way to build that awareness.

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Hyperpartisan news: Rethinking the media for populist politics

Cited by 73 publications

References 37 publications

Pseudo-Media Sites, Polarization, and Pandemic Skepticism in Spain

Pseudo-Media Sites, Polarization, and Pandemic Skepticism in Spain

Why National Media Systems Matter: A Longitudinal Analysis of How UK Left-Wing and Right-Wing Alternative Media Critique Mainstream Media (2015–2018)

Separated by a common language: How Breitbart and The New York Times produce different meanings from common words

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