“…By social media elites we mean Twitter accounts belonging to institutions, NGOs, news media, celebrities, and Twitterpreneurs. 7 This expectation is consistent with previous studies detecting news media sources and highly active users/political activists as the typical initiators and leaders of movement and discussion networks (Segesten & Bossetta, 2016;Bailo & Vromen, 2016;Papacharissi, 2015). For the same reason, we expect participants to duplicate the social media elites' tweets rather than to retweet each other and the resulting network to be highly hierarchical.…”
Section: Triangulating Twitter Network Metadata and Content Analysissupporting
Twitter: @AsiminaMiUnderstanding a digital movement of opinion: The case of #RefugeesWelcome Recent work on digital political engagement has extensively shown that social media platforms enhance political participation and collective action. However, the idea that citizen voice through social media can give rise, under given conditions, to a specific digital force combining properties of social movements and public opinion has received less attention. We fill this gap by analysing the digital discussion around the Twitter hashtag #RefugeesWelcome as a case of 'digital movement of opinion' (DMO). When the refugee crisis erupted in 2015, an extraordinary wave of empathy characterized the publics' reactions in key European hosting countries, especially as a result of viral images portraying refugee children as the main victims. Using a triangulation of network, content and metadata analysis, we find that this DMO was driven primarily by social media elites whose tweets were then echoed by masses of isolated users. We then test the post-DMO status of the hashtag-sphere after a potentially antithetical shock such as the November 2015 Paris terrorist attacks, which polarized the network public. Overall, we argue that the concept of digital movement of opinion provides a heuristically useful tool for future research on new forms of digital citizen participation.
“…By social media elites we mean Twitter accounts belonging to institutions, NGOs, news media, celebrities, and Twitterpreneurs. 7 This expectation is consistent with previous studies detecting news media sources and highly active users/political activists as the typical initiators and leaders of movement and discussion networks (Segesten & Bossetta, 2016;Bailo & Vromen, 2016;Papacharissi, 2015). For the same reason, we expect participants to duplicate the social media elites' tweets rather than to retweet each other and the resulting network to be highly hierarchical.…”
Section: Triangulating Twitter Network Metadata and Content Analysissupporting
Twitter: @AsiminaMiUnderstanding a digital movement of opinion: The case of #RefugeesWelcome Recent work on digital political engagement has extensively shown that social media platforms enhance political participation and collective action. However, the idea that citizen voice through social media can give rise, under given conditions, to a specific digital force combining properties of social movements and public opinion has received less attention. We fill this gap by analysing the digital discussion around the Twitter hashtag #RefugeesWelcome as a case of 'digital movement of opinion' (DMO). When the refugee crisis erupted in 2015, an extraordinary wave of empathy characterized the publics' reactions in key European hosting countries, especially as a result of viral images portraying refugee children as the main victims. Using a triangulation of network, content and metadata analysis, we find that this DMO was driven primarily by social media elites whose tweets were then echoed by masses of isolated users. We then test the post-DMO status of the hashtag-sphere after a potentially antithetical shock such as the November 2015 Paris terrorist attacks, which polarized the network public. Overall, we argue that the concept of digital movement of opinion provides a heuristically useful tool for future research on new forms of digital citizen participation.
“…Bailo and Vromen (2017) provide a detailed empirical case study of hybrid media campaigning, assessing two Australian campaigns: #MarchinMarch and #BusttheBudget. They find that the protests were “deeply entangled .…”
Section: The Media and Social Movementsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While Cammaerts notes that his categories can intersect, it is argued that the hybrid approaches adopted by ANE Movement activists are not fully captured in the mediation opportunity structure. This is important because the “hybrid interdependency between traditional news and social media sources” (Bailo and Vromen, 2017: 1660) allows activists to exercise greater agency in modifying the traditional asymmetry of power relations with mainstream media (Della Porta, 2011). Building on Chadwick’s (2013) theory of the hybrid media system, the article concludes by proposing a “hybrid mediation opportunity structure” to fully capture these hybrid communicative forms.…”
This article assesses how social movements make use of media, and how their media practices influence movement outcomes using a case study of the Anti-National Education Movement in Hong Kong. It contributes to the literature on this important protest event and to ongoing debates about changes in the relationship between media and protesters. It is argued that activists adapted to what we call a “hybrid mediation opportunity structure.” The concept of a hybrid mediation opportunity structure is built on a critical engagement with Cammaerts’ mediation opportunity structure and is informed by Chadwick’s hybrid media system theory. We find that old (mainstream) and new (social) media tactics were deployed interdependently in a hybrid, symbiotic process. Old and new media logics fed off each other, in turn producing new logics: hybrid mediation opportunities which enabled activists to simultaneously broaden their connective networks and capture the attention of news media to publicize and legitimize their collective protests.
“…The advent of the Internet and social media platforms has deepened and broadened opportunities for people to learn about, interact with, and communicate around social issues. Indeed, as social protest moves between physical and digital spaces, there has developed a "hybrid interdependency" between protesters using social media sources and traditional news sources covering the events (Bailo & Vromen, 2017). As social protests simultaneously occur on and offline, so too do the identity work processes surrounding them.…”
Section: Social Protest and Identity Work Across Platformsmentioning
Social protests in the United States of America (U.S.) are increasing in frequency, including the Dakota Access pipeline protests, the Women's March in 2017 and 2018, and March for our Lives. Thousands of other protests have also emerged across digital platforms and in interpersonal contexts. This study explores the identity work processes individuals navigate as they engage with or avoid social protest. I conducted interviews with self-identified protesters who discussed the complexities of their experiences. Using CTI and identity gaps, dialogical wisdom are introduced to deepen this analysis. This scholarship provides insights for those interested in the interplay between individual identities and protest, as well how multiple identities and the gaps between them can address conflict.
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