Husband Battering

Steinmetz, Suzanne K.; Lucca, Joseph S.

doi:10.1007/978-1-4757-5360-8_10

Cited by 40 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…Also, those incidents that go unreported to the police and/or unprosecuted must be taken into account. For example, women's aggression and violence in intimate relationships (see Steinmetz and Lucca, 1988;O'Leary et al, 1989;Bookwala et al, 1992) is often likely to go unreported because of, for example, lack of perceived seriousness and the fear of stigmatization (White and Kowalski, 1994). So, women do 'do' aggression and violence and, to ignore this, as Victoria Burbank (1994: 169) argues, is to 'ignore critical areas of research with vital social implications'.…”

Section: Feminism and Women's Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

Women Who Drink and Fight: A Discourse Analysis of Working-Class Women's Talk

Day

Gough

McFadden

2003

Feminism & Psychology

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More recent years have begun to see a shift in focus in academic writing towards the rather neglected topic of female aggression and violence (for example, Campbell, 1993(for example, Campbell, , 1995Burbank, 1994). Furthermore, some feminists have highlighted the benefits of drawing attention towards women's aggression for feminist agendas (for example, Campbell, 1993;White and Kowalski, 1994). However, much of the existing work in this area situates women's aggression in the context of normative heterosexual relationships and domestic domains, meaning that women's aggression and violence in other (more public) contexts is often overlooked. This omission is puzzling now given that women are entering into more public domains and spaces which have historically been dominated by men (for example, Kua, 1994) and reports that most incidents where women report being attacked by other women take place in the context of pubs or clubs (Home Office, 1993). As such, this study examines women's talk around aggression in the context of 'nights out'. In sum, it is argued here that physical aggression can be understood as playing an important role in the construction of working-class femininities in ways that 'make sense' in local classed contexts, thus emphasizing the importance of contextual understandings of women's aggression.

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Section: Feminism and Women's Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

Women Who Drink and Fight: A Discourse Analysis of Working-Class Women's Talk

Day

Gough

McFadden

2003

Feminism & Psychology

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“…Richardson (2005) found that the type of relationship affected level and type of aggression used by women and men, and that no gender differences in aggression are often found depending on the relationship context. Although the motives and physical and psychological consequences are far from similar, women in violent relationships have been reported to initiate acts of violence against their spouses as frequently as men do (Steinmetz & Lucca, 1988;Stets & Straus, 1990). Thus, social contextual factors appear to be especially important in explaining gender differences in the use of aggression (Archer, 2004;Richardson, 2005).…”

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confidence: 99%

Powerlessness and the Use of Indirect Aggression in Friendships

Duncan

Owen-Smith

2006

Sex Roles

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Aggression in girls, especially indirect aggression perpetrated by girls toward other girls, has received increasing attention in the popular press. Various explanations have been offered to explain why girls might use indirect methods more so than boys, including both biological and social explanations. We tested a social contextual explanation; that is, that powerlessness is associated with the use of indirect aggression strategies. Power was conceptualized as both an individual difference variable and as an interpersonal variable. In two studies, we found that for both men and women, lack of power in same gender friendships (defined as anxiety about one's status in friendships) was associated with greater use of indirect aggression strategies. Further, individual differences in deferent personality characteristics and lack of relational control in a friendship were unrelated to the use of indirect aggression.

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“…These studies tend to focus upon patriarchial cultural beliefs that create a climate in which men expect to dominate their partners and control the family's resources (e.g., Dobash and Dobash 1979;Jasinski 2001;Steinmetz and Lucca 1988). Religious beliefs that exemplify this stance include those that place the husband as the head of the household with the primary decisional power, or that cast wives as the primary caretakers of children, limit their vocational or economic prospects, or charge them with submission to their husbands (see Fortune 1987;McClure and Ramsay 1999).…”

Section: Patriarchal Religious Belief and Ipv Perpetrationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Male Perpetrators’ Perspectives on Intimate Partner Violence, Religion, and Masculinity

2008

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The present study examines the interaction of religious belief and intimate partner violence (IPV) by exploring the perspectives of twelve male IPV perpetrators in a lower socioeconomic bracket from the Southern US. Semi-structured interviews of perpetrators were conducted to ask about their experience with and perceptions of IPV in relation to their religious beliefs and the beliefs of others in their environment. A grounded theory method of analysis was used to develop a comprehensive, empirically-derived description of this interaction. Findings are discussed in relation to the construct of masculinity held by the perpetrators, which emerged as an important finding influencing both their thoughts about IPV and religion.

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Husband Battering

Cited by 40 publications

References 10 publications

Women Who Drink and Fight: A Discourse Analysis of Working-Class Women's Talk

Women Who Drink and Fight: A Discourse Analysis of Working-Class Women's Talk

Powerlessness and the Use of Indirect Aggression in Friendships

Male Perpetrators’ Perspectives on Intimate Partner Violence, Religion, and Masculinity

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