Abstract:Do street-level bureaucrats exercise discretion to encourage clients’ political participation? If so, how, and in what way is it demonstrated? This study examines these questions empirically through 36 semi-structured in-depth interviews with LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) teachers in Israel. Findings reveal that these street-level bureaucrats encourage clients to participate politically through strategies they adopt both inside and outside the work environment. In the classroom their … Show more
“…Fourth, unlike previous representative bureaucracy studies that focus on demographic characteristics of bureaucrats and clients such as ethnicity, race, and gender (Wilkins & Wenger, 2015), I focus on sexual orientation. There are few studies about LGBTQ+ street‐level bureaucrats and the role that their sexual orientation plays in representing clients who are also LGBTQ+ (Davidovitz, 2022; Davidovitz & Cohen, 2022a). As stated, although the policy towards LGBTQ+ people in many countries has come a long way in terms of the rights granted to them, they still suffer from discrimination.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…I argue that by adopting practices aimed at promoting tolerance and preventing discrimination, street‐level bureaucrats lead to normative outcomes for the minority clients whom they represent. I illustrate this contention by focusing on LGB street‐level bureaucrats, a population overlooked in the literature on both representative (Kennedy & Bishu, 2020) and street‐level bureaucracy (Davidovitz, 2022; Davidovitz & Cohen, 2022a).…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This gap is mainly due to the conflict and tension between the country's ultra‐Orthodox religious and secular populations (Shilo et al, 2015). Because these tensions may directly affect street‐level bureaucrats (Davidovitz, 2022), they may also affect how these bureaucrats represent their clients. Given that street‐level bureaucrats make decisions based on their ideologies and perceptions (see e.g., Cohen, 2021), this will impact how they use their discretion when representing LGBTQ+ clients.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Third, it shows how street‐level bureaucrats see the outputs of their active representation of their minority clients. Fourth, the study investigates empirically this phenomenon among LGB street‐level bureaucrats, a population hitherto ignored by the street‐level and representative bureaucracy literature (Bishu & Kennedy, 2020; Davidovitz, 2022; Davidovitz & Cohen, 2022a). Altogether, the study contributes to a better understanding of the role of street‐level bureaucrats as active representatives of minority clients and resultant policy outcomes.…”
The literature dealing with representative bureaucracy emphasizes the role that minority street‐level bureaucrats may play when, directly and indirectly, they actively represent clients with whom they share a common identity. My study goes further, contributing to the implementation literature, by examining why and how these street‐level bureaucrats use their discretion to shape non‐minority clients' attitudes toward minorities. I explore this phenomenon empirically through interviews with 36 Israeli lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) teachers. I analyze the traditional methods they routinely adopt, such as exposing students to information about minorities, encouraging open discussions of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) issues in the classroom, and entrepreneurially developing and introducing innovative learning programs. I illustrate how they respond to ad hoc cases (e.g., protecting LGBTQ+ clients or taking advantage of outside events to promote understanding of relevant issues) and the approach of leading by example.
“…Fourth, unlike previous representative bureaucracy studies that focus on demographic characteristics of bureaucrats and clients such as ethnicity, race, and gender (Wilkins & Wenger, 2015), I focus on sexual orientation. There are few studies about LGBTQ+ street‐level bureaucrats and the role that their sexual orientation plays in representing clients who are also LGBTQ+ (Davidovitz, 2022; Davidovitz & Cohen, 2022a). As stated, although the policy towards LGBTQ+ people in many countries has come a long way in terms of the rights granted to them, they still suffer from discrimination.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…I argue that by adopting practices aimed at promoting tolerance and preventing discrimination, street‐level bureaucrats lead to normative outcomes for the minority clients whom they represent. I illustrate this contention by focusing on LGB street‐level bureaucrats, a population overlooked in the literature on both representative (Kennedy & Bishu, 2020) and street‐level bureaucracy (Davidovitz, 2022; Davidovitz & Cohen, 2022a).…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This gap is mainly due to the conflict and tension between the country's ultra‐Orthodox religious and secular populations (Shilo et al, 2015). Because these tensions may directly affect street‐level bureaucrats (Davidovitz, 2022), they may also affect how these bureaucrats represent their clients. Given that street‐level bureaucrats make decisions based on their ideologies and perceptions (see e.g., Cohen, 2021), this will impact how they use their discretion when representing LGBTQ+ clients.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Third, it shows how street‐level bureaucrats see the outputs of their active representation of their minority clients. Fourth, the study investigates empirically this phenomenon among LGB street‐level bureaucrats, a population hitherto ignored by the street‐level and representative bureaucracy literature (Bishu & Kennedy, 2020; Davidovitz, 2022; Davidovitz & Cohen, 2022a). Altogether, the study contributes to a better understanding of the role of street‐level bureaucrats as active representatives of minority clients and resultant policy outcomes.…”
The literature dealing with representative bureaucracy emphasizes the role that minority street‐level bureaucrats may play when, directly and indirectly, they actively represent clients with whom they share a common identity. My study goes further, contributing to the implementation literature, by examining why and how these street‐level bureaucrats use their discretion to shape non‐minority clients' attitudes toward minorities. I explore this phenomenon empirically through interviews with 36 Israeli lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) teachers. I analyze the traditional methods they routinely adopt, such as exposing students to information about minorities, encouraging open discussions of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) issues in the classroom, and entrepreneurially developing and introducing innovative learning programs. I illustrate how they respond to ad hoc cases (e.g., protecting LGBTQ+ clients or taking advantage of outside events to promote understanding of relevant issues) and the approach of leading by example.
“…Yet, procedural equity (that is, the notion that public service relations should be objective) and procedural values, such as respect and fairness, continue to be major drivers of public trust in government (Mazepus & van Leeuwen, 2020; Mcloughlin, 2015; Moynihan et al, 2015). Thus, citizens who believe that state officials treat them fairly are more likely to accept administrative decisions (Kang, 2021) and develop trust in governance by generalizing their positive personal experiences (Davidovitz, 2022; Kumlin & Rothstein, 2005). People encounter “Procedural Fairness” (i.e., processes designed to reduce bias or favoritism in government decision-making (Ruder & Woods, 2020) 1 through their interactions with street-level bureaucrats (Edri-Peer & Cohen, 2023; Raaphorst & Van de Walle, 2020) whom they perceive to be the symbolic face of government (Lipsky, 2010).…”
Administration of street-level bureaucrats requires prior knowledge of what affects their use of discretion. However, there is a lack of understanding as to what influences their decision-making when choosing between claims made by the state or by its citizens. Without such knowledge, public administration at the street-level can sustain the perception that street-level bureaucrats have a state-preference bias, lowering citizens’ view of public service delivery by those perceived as the face of governance. This study focuses on decisions street-level bureaucrats make when resolving disputes between citizens and other state officials. Using real-world resolutions made over three decades by lower-court judges in Israeli civil tax disputes, the findings reveal a link between factors associated with street-level bureaucrats’ common characteristics and state favoritism in their resolutions. The findings also imply that policymakers who want to mitigate such outcomes can use citizen administrative participation-based influencers to promote street-level bureaucrats’ pro-citizen tendencies.
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