How Social Responses to Child Sexual Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence Affect Homelessness Among Women in Two Rural Regions With Resource-Based Economies in Eastern Quebec

Abstract

This study presents findings from a qualitative study conducted in two relatively remote, primarily rural regions of the Canadian province of Quebec whose resource-based economic structures exacerbate inequalities between men and women. The purpose of this study was to understand how violence and homelessness intertwine in women's life courses in such regions. On the basis of past research showing that gender socialization around traditional roles and conservative values is particularly tenacious in non-urban areas, we conducted life-course interviews with 22 women in 13 different towns and villages of these two regions. Our content analysis of these interviews showed that specific social responses have forced women to maintain relationships with their aggressors or with people who have protected them, thus relegating these women's lives to the private sphere while reducing their opportunities for social participation in the public sphere. These social responses, together with women's economic and social disadvantages in these regions, were also the main factors that explain homelessness experienced by the participants in this study. Our analysis of these responses illustrates the patriarchal social structure of power in these regions, which is perpetuated in the interpersonal, institutional, and representational dimensions and keeps women in precarious, subordinate social positions, while ostracizing or punishing women who try to resist.

The normalisation of sexual violence revictimisation in regional and rural areas: Our failure to respond

“…Findings from this paper reveal that women in regional and rural contexts often receive a response of disbelief and blame when disclosing child abuse and adult sexual violence to family members. Family and domestic violence (DFV) literature consistently reflects high levels of victim-blaming toward women in regional and rural areas (Flynn et al, 2023;George & Harris, 2015;Wendt, 2009); however, findings from this paper extend this to include blame and disbelief in the context of sexual violence, including being directed toward children. DFV literature cites multiple social and geographical forces that contextualise women's experience of violence in non-urban communities.…”

“…DFV literature cites multiple social and geographical forces that contextualise women's experience of violence in non‐urban communities. For instance, literature suggests that traditional and patriarchal familial structures may act to normalise and justify violence, control and abuse as a part of men's dominant role within the family (Flynn et al., 2023; George & Harris, 2015). This was commonly reflected in participants' stories not only regarding the extensive abuse and control women faced as children and adults, but also in the way men's violence was justified because “that's how it was back then.”…”

The shame of sexual violence towards women in rural areas

“…The connection between informal social supporters and perpetrators can reduce women's networks of informal support (family/friends) and lead to complexities in the disclosure and the support offered (Davies et al., 2023). Furthermore, the size of rural and remote communities makes it difficult for reports of SV to remain anonymous; this can lead to an increased sense of shame and failure of women reporting, fear of reprisal from perpetrators and their families, and communities protecting perpetrators due to high social standing and/or social ties to law enforcement (Flynn et al., 2022).…”

“…In rural and remote areas, there is also a lack of services available to help survivors of SV, with some rural areas reporting major gaps in service previsions (Carter‐Snell et al., 2020; Keynejad et al., 2021; O'Callaghan et al., 2022). Some rural areas report a lack of frontline crisis support services including crisis housing and counselling services (Flynn et al., 2022), a lack of transportation to services, and difficulty in attracting trained staff which limits staffing resources (Carter‐Snell et al., 2020). Furthermore, rural area response to SV can often be delayed, due to lack of services and inability to get access to the right services, which reportedly can increase the trauma survivors’ experience (Carter‐Snell et al., 2020).…”

“…Risk factors of SV in rural and remote Australia include increasing numbers of licensed venues in rural mining areas, drinking culture (Carrington et al, 2013), decreased anonymity making it more difficult for survivors to disclose crimes (Ragusa, 2013(Ragusa, , 2017, lack of services in rural and remote areas (Krug et al, 2002), and shame and informal social control that acts as a deterrent to reporting and leaving relationships (Owen & Carrington, 2015). Additionally, risk factors for women include femininity in rural areas tending to conform to traditional gendered stereotypes (Flynn et al, 2022(Flynn et al, , 2023 and financial dependence on perpetrators (Owen & Carrington, 2015). Further to this, childcare and child visitation regulations can prevent women from leaving the rural area which often leaves women feeling unsafe and powerless (Ragusa, 2017) and reporting SV may result in the fear of that children will be removed from their care leaving women feeling disempowered, and more likely to remain in relationships which are unsafe (Carrington et al, 2013;McCulloch et al, 2021).…”