How Nothing Became Something: White Space, Rhetoric, History, and Meaning

Abstract

We seek to advance visual theory in the domain of commercial rhetoric (advertising) by demonstrating how objects and symbols derive meaning from their histories. We do this by examining a single visual trope common in advertising, white space. The choice of white space was purposeful in that it is not a picture and its history is both accessible and traceable. Our sociohistorical theory is supported by showing how specific movements and social forces acted upon the meaning of this particular visual rhetorical device and how this meaning is today shared and understood by both producers of ads (ad agency creative directors) and the readers of ads (ordinary consumers). We conclude with a discussion of the implications of this approach to rhetorical and other major theoretical formulations. (c) 2006 by JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH, Inc..

Print advertising: White space

“…The only published study to deal specifically with white space is the recent study by Pracejus et al (2006). These researchers found that practitioners and consumers both understood the essential meaning of white space used deliberately in print ads.…”

“…As Pracejus et al (2006) note, creatives' use of white space has its origins in the minimalist movement of mid-twentieth century modern art. Robert Rauschenberg and others used white (or negative space) to reject the artificial and to celebrate materiality.…”

Linguistic Markers of Status in Food Culture: Bourdieu’s Distinction in a Menu Corpus

“…32 The visual counterpart of minimal language is the use of white space in spare ads, which both consumers and creative directors associated with prestige and quality, based on a link between white space and the mid-century minimalist movement in art and the "less is more" movement in architecture, all of which associated spare, clean, minimal designs with prestige and the upper class in North America. 33 Finally, this use of overly explicit descriptions by less expensive restaurants might also be modeled as a kind of overcompensation, in which a group that is anxious about its status overcompensates in the cues for that status; this kind of overcompensation is common both in linguistics, in the hypercorrection seen in speakers of non-standard styles, 34 or the overcompensation seen in other social categories like masculinity. 35 While our results are generally consistent with prior literature, there are some differences.…”

Cigarette advertising in the Republic of Korea: a case illustration ofThe One

“…Alternatively, the symbol on the package may represent the letter ‘O’, being the first letter of ‘One’—the brand name—or ‘Oxygen’ as a means of directing attention to the product's ‘activated oxygen filter.’ The backside of the package claims that the product provides ‘An Enjoyable Experience of Oxygen.’ The largely white package gives the brand a ‘clean’ aesthetic look (similar to Apple's iPod); white is strategically regarded as a prestigious, expensive, high-end colour and may also signify confidence and financial strength, as well as purity and innocence 22 23. It is acknowledged that individual colours can have culturally-specific meanings and associations, but white commonly conveys ‘purity’ among Koreans,24 and it is noteworthy that the country's national flag uses ‘white space’ to signify ‘brightness and purity and reflects Koreans' peace-loving national trait.’25 Colour meanings and associations also have the potential for being product-specific; in the cigarette product category, white-dominated packages are generally meant to convey that a brand is supposedly ‘low tar’, signifying lower strength and reassurance to those with health concerns 16 26 27…”