“…Those “tied to place” (Barcus & Brunn, ) prefer to live elsewhere but are prevented from doing so by family or financial obligations. Furthermore, choices are constrained by structural factors, such as employment or housing availability: in order for someone to stay …, there has to be an adequate fit between the personal motivations and resources, and the place‐specific opportunities (Kuhmonen, Kuhmonen, & Luoto, : 91).…”
Section: Towards a Conceptual Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…in order for someone to stay …, there has to be an adequate fit between the personal motivations and resources, and the place‐specific opportunities (Kuhmonen, Kuhmonen, & Luoto, : 91).…”
Section: Towards a Conceptual Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It is good for children (idyllic) but not so good for teenagers (dull) (Haartsen & Strijker, ), and rural adolescents express a preference for rural living when they are older (Glendinning et al, ; Rye, ). A rural residence is attractive to families (Kuhmonen et al, ) and those at or around retirement (Lowe & Speakman, ; Stockdale & MacLeod, ). It is likely then that the decision to leave or stay is not made once, but repeated at each life transition and hence made several times (Haartsen & Stockdale, ; Hjälm, ; Ye, ).…”
Section: Towards a Conceptual Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet many stay. Other studies investigate staying by older people (Fernandez‐Carro & Evandrou, ; Hjälm, ), families (Haartsen & Stockdale, ), and the staying intentions of adolescents (Kuhmonen et al, ). Nevertheless, the processes of staying by young adults are not well understood.…”
Section: Towards a Conceptual Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Mellander, Florida, and Stolarick (2011) find that community quality of life characteristics (especially the physical setting and social aspects) matter considerably more to stayers than local economic conditions or individual economic or demographic factors. Others suggest that young adults who wish to stay in their home rural area are positive about local employment opportunities (Petrin, Schafft, & Meece, 2014) and include a desire to work in primary sectors (Bjarnason & Thorlindsson, 2006), place a high value on natural beauty, air quality, and peacefulness (Haukanes, 2013), have been raised in the community of residence (Bjarnason & Thorlindsson, 2006), or have lived in a rural area (Kuhmonen et al, 2016).…”
Few studies examine immobility or staying as a demographic process worthy of investigation. This paper seeks to address this gap in the literature. It uses a life course approach to analyse interviews with young adults who continue to reside in their rural home areas of Northern Ireland and the Netherlands. Our analysis relates to stayers' biographies and linked lives, staying as a state of flux, and staying as an attachment to (rural) place. Staying is found to be the outcome of a complex interplay between competing personal considerations, which are closely associated with the stayer's past, present, and anticipated future biography. It is a relational process linked to the lives of others (parents, partners, and children) through either choice or senses of obligation. Far from being a passive process, stayers exert considerable agency. They elect to belong to the familial, physical, and social elements of rural place, informed by senses of nostalgia and dwelling. The decision to stay is renegotiated with the onset of new life stages. The process of staying is, therefore, dynamic, multifaceted, and nuanced. Staying is in a state of flux.
“…Those “tied to place” (Barcus & Brunn, ) prefer to live elsewhere but are prevented from doing so by family or financial obligations. Furthermore, choices are constrained by structural factors, such as employment or housing availability: in order for someone to stay …, there has to be an adequate fit between the personal motivations and resources, and the place‐specific opportunities (Kuhmonen, Kuhmonen, & Luoto, : 91).…”
Section: Towards a Conceptual Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…in order for someone to stay …, there has to be an adequate fit between the personal motivations and resources, and the place‐specific opportunities (Kuhmonen, Kuhmonen, & Luoto, : 91).…”
Section: Towards a Conceptual Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It is good for children (idyllic) but not so good for teenagers (dull) (Haartsen & Strijker, ), and rural adolescents express a preference for rural living when they are older (Glendinning et al, ; Rye, ). A rural residence is attractive to families (Kuhmonen et al, ) and those at or around retirement (Lowe & Speakman, ; Stockdale & MacLeod, ). It is likely then that the decision to leave or stay is not made once, but repeated at each life transition and hence made several times (Haartsen & Stockdale, ; Hjälm, ; Ye, ).…”
Section: Towards a Conceptual Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet many stay. Other studies investigate staying by older people (Fernandez‐Carro & Evandrou, ; Hjälm, ), families (Haartsen & Stockdale, ), and the staying intentions of adolescents (Kuhmonen et al, ). Nevertheless, the processes of staying by young adults are not well understood.…”
Section: Towards a Conceptual Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Mellander, Florida, and Stolarick (2011) find that community quality of life characteristics (especially the physical setting and social aspects) matter considerably more to stayers than local economic conditions or individual economic or demographic factors. Others suggest that young adults who wish to stay in their home rural area are positive about local employment opportunities (Petrin, Schafft, & Meece, 2014) and include a desire to work in primary sectors (Bjarnason & Thorlindsson, 2006), place a high value on natural beauty, air quality, and peacefulness (Haukanes, 2013), have been raised in the community of residence (Bjarnason & Thorlindsson, 2006), or have lived in a rural area (Kuhmonen et al, 2016).…”
Few studies examine immobility or staying as a demographic process worthy of investigation. This paper seeks to address this gap in the literature. It uses a life course approach to analyse interviews with young adults who continue to reside in their rural home areas of Northern Ireland and the Netherlands. Our analysis relates to stayers' biographies and linked lives, staying as a state of flux, and staying as an attachment to (rural) place. Staying is found to be the outcome of a complex interplay between competing personal considerations, which are closely associated with the stayer's past, present, and anticipated future biography. It is a relational process linked to the lives of others (parents, partners, and children) through either choice or senses of obligation. Far from being a passive process, stayers exert considerable agency. They elect to belong to the familial, physical, and social elements of rural place, informed by senses of nostalgia and dwelling. The decision to stay is renegotiated with the onset of new life stages. The process of staying is, therefore, dynamic, multifaceted, and nuanced. Staying is in a state of flux.
Rural stayers are often defined as people who have never left their rural home region or village.However, rural regions and villages also receive new inhabitants. This paper explores if and how newcomers become inhabitants who stay put. We do so by interviewing couples of newcomers who moved to a rural area of the Netherlands at the family formation life stage. All had moved between 5 and 10 years prior to this study. We view the process of becoming a stayer through the lens of getting attached to and identifying with the new home region. We adopt the concepts of 'elective belonging' and 'selective belonging' to explore the newcomers' actual experiences of rural place and, in turn, the ways rural newcomer families become stayers. We identify two types of stayers: children-led and convinced stayers. Both envisage a re-negotiation of staying or leaving at a later life stage (either the empty nest or old age stage). They all elected to belong to residential places in enchanted rural landscapes. But they also are selective in developing belonging to the rural. First, especially convinced stayers consciously adapt their behaviour in order to fit in the local community. Second, children-led stayers seek only to become involved in child-related activities. Third, both types of stayers 'identify against' certain elements of local culture and of real rural stayers. S/elective strategies of belonging are found to go hand-in-hand with processes of becoming a stayer. Moreover, s/elective belonging to the place leaves the option to 'leave in future'. motivates stayers to stay we know that attachment to and rootedness in the rural home area play a significant role (Barcus & Brunn, 2009;Haukanes, 2013). The presence of social networks of family and friends, and familiarity with both the rural community and the physical landscape contribute to the process of staying. However, rural regions and villages also receive new inhabitants. Although it is increasingly acknowledged that rural in-migration is more 'messy' and diverse than previously thought Bijker, Haartsen, & Strijker, 2012, 2013Stockdale, 2015), the predominant idea is that rural newcomers are middle class people attracted by positive representations of the rural living environment, the so-called rural idyll (Benson & O'Reilly, 2009;Halfacree, 1994). In their conceptual paper 'Moving to the countryside … and staying: lives beyond representations', Halfacree and Rivera (2012) note that there is often a mismatch between these rural representations and rural reality, which amplifies the question, why do newcomers stay? They call for more empirical research into 'why and how pro-rural migrants subsequently stay in their [rural] destinations ' (Halfacree & Rivera, 2012: 92). In this paper, we respond to this call. We do so by focusing on the experiences of rural place by newcomers who moved to a rural area of the Netherlands at the family formation life stage. All had moved between 5 and 10 years prior to this study being conducted.In contrast to Halfacree & Rivera'...
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