HIV/AIDS Prevention for Drug Users in Natural Settings

Watters, John K.; Guydish, Joseph

doi:10.1007/978-1-4899-1193-3_11

Cited by 14 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…As street outreach, using indigenous peer educators, has demonstrated ef® cacy in modifying sexual and drug-related risk practices of injecting drug users 35 , a similar strategy may be useful for accessing and intervening with frequent alcohol users not in treatment. Such an intervention strategy may incorporate elements from SCT and TMC to enhance knowledge of HIV risks related to frequent alcohol use, provide training to enhance condom use, personalize risk of HIV, and modify peer norms associated with high-risk practices.…”

Section: Implications For the Development Of Hiv Prevention Interventmentioning

confidence: 98%

Frequency of alcohol use and its association with STD/HIV-related risk practices, attitudes and knowledge among an AfricanAmerican community-recruited sample

Morrison

DiClemente²,

Wingood³

et al. 1998

Int J STD AIDS

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The aim was to determine the association between frequency of alcohol use in the past 30 days and HIV-related risk behaviours among adults in an African-American community. Data were collected by trained street outreach workers, from 522 persons in 4 areas selected on the basis of 7 health and criminal justice indicators of high risk for HIV, STD and substance abuse, and drug-related arrests. A survey assessed demographics, substance use, sexual behaviour, HIV knowledge, attitudes and depression. Subjects reporting using drugs other than alcohol (n=201) were excluded from analyses to avoid the confounding influence of polysubstance use. Of the remaining 321 subjects (mean age=37.1; 58.5% were male), 43.6% reported no alcohol use in the past 30 days, with 37.4% and 19.0%, respectively, having used alcohol < =15 days and = > 16 days in the past 30 days. Alcohol use frequency (no alcohol, 1-15 days, 16-30 days in past month) was significantly associated with being male, STD history, non-use of condoms, higher perceived risk of HIV, lower condom use self-efficacy, multiple sex partners in the past 30 days, and lower HIV-related knowledge. Frequent alcohol use, in the absence of other drugs, is associated with higher levels of HIV risk behaviours. Though an underserved population with respect to HIV prevention and, given the prevalence of alcohol use, the findings suggest that programmes need to target frequent alcohol users to reduce their HIV-associated risk behaviours and enhance HIV risk-reduction knowledge and attitudes associated with the adoption of HIV prevention practices.

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Section: Implications For the Development Of Hiv Prevention Interventmentioning

confidence: 98%

Frequency of alcohol use and its association with STD/HIV-related risk practices, attitudes and knowledge among an AfricanAmerican community-recruited sample

Morrison

DiClemente²,

Wingood³

et al. 1998

Int J STD AIDS

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“…But the most visible and most publicly contested application of harm reduction in the United States has been the practice of needle exchange. As an exercise that disregards drug and paraphernalia laws, does not use cessation of use as a measurement of success, and focuses on the health needs of users (Stryker 1989;Watters and Guydish 1994), needle exchange has been promoted as a "practical" approach to harm reduction (Ruter 1990).…”

Section: The Social Movement Of Harm Reduction and Its Radical Componentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Collective Mobilization and Identity from the Underground: The Deployment of “Oppositional Capital” in the Harm Reduction Movement

Wieloch

2002

The Sociological Quarterly

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Within social movement literature, the concept of collective identity is used to discuss the process through which political activists create in-group cohesion and distinguish themselves from society at large. Newer approaches to collective identity focus on the negotiation of boundaries as social movement agents interact with social structural forces. However, in their adoption of a perspective that holds identity as a process, these social movement studies ncglect the more tangible cultural elements that actors manipulate when they express collective identity. This research project adopts a subcultural perbpective in the Birmingham tradition to address the question of how social movement actors reappropriate symbolic expressions of identity and what meaning systems they draw from that enable them to redefine "stigmatization" as ''status." This article offers the concept of "oppositional capital" as a general framework for analyzing the symbolic work that social movement actors perform in their cxprcssions of collective identity. For the purposes of analysis, the primary clcments o l oppositional symbolic expressions are divided into the four categories of distinction, antagonism, political activism, and popular cultural aesthetics. This article applies the concept of oppositional capital to representations of collcctive identity of a radical branch of political activism within the social movement of harm reduction. Specifically, it analyzes the zinc, Junkphood to describe how actors within this social movcmcnt cohort are able to present their collcctivc identity as part of an alternative status system by drawing from an economy of signs that arc gencrally recognized as oppositional.Over the past decade and a half, the area of social movement studies has witnessed the continued interjection of cultural analyses into theoretical models of collective action (Lofland 1985: Melucci 1989: Rucht 1991 Larana, Johnson and Gusfield 1994;Johnson and Klandermans 1995). By and large, this concerted paradigmatic shift away from mass psychology and resuurce mobilization approaches to the study of social movements has been the result of both the emergence of new forms of collcctive action in advanced industrial societies and the flourishing field of social scientific interpretations of these "new social movements" (Tilly 1998). This emphasis on culture in the field Direct all correspondcnce to Neil WleloLh,

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“…Among IDUs, transmission is likely to occur in two ways: (1) sharing needles or syringes ("works") in intravenous drug use and (2) disinhibition (while using drugs) of sexual risk behavior that can lead to HIV infection, such as not using condoms during sexual intercourse (Fullilove, Fullilove, Bowser, & Gross, 1990;Hingson, Strunin, Berlin, & Heeren, 1990), exchanging sex for drugs or money (Goldsmith, 1988;Fullilove et al, 1990), and sexual activity with multiple partners. In particular, needle exchange programs have significantly reduced the number of new infections among this subpopulation (Watters & Guydish, 1994). Thus, sexual transmission appears to be a frequent route of infection among male IDUs and their female sexual partners.…”

Section: Epidemiologymentioning

confidence: 99%