History and revelation in Vergil's underworld

Abstract

Vergil's parade of heroes, a panegyric that becomes a threnody, is an odd blend. It is framed by an elaborate quasi-philosophical eschatology, whose relation to the parade is problematical. Much of the passage puts itself forward as high panegyric, yet certain sections are at variance with that tendency. The lament for Marcellus (868-86) is most commonly remarked upon; other passages are equally, or more, anomalous. Still, the massive self-assurance of the picture of the underworld has its own imposing conviction, so that although the disparateness of the contributing elements has been documented often enough, few have felt the need to dispute the question of whether the blend coheres as a single statement. One noteworthy reader of Vergil was, however, compelled to give minute attention to the implications of the historical vision in Book 6. Incidentally throughout the Bellum Ciuile, but especially in his own sixth book, with the vision of hell called forth by the agency of the witch Erictho, Lucan provides a provocative reading of Aeneid 6. His insights will be exploited in the discussion as a valuable stimulus to reflection and re-assessment; an appendix will give a more systematic account of his re-interpretation of Vergil.

Future City in the Heroic Past: Rome, Romans, and Roman Landscapes in Aeneid 6–8

“…It has stimulated much scholarly discussion about its meaning and sources of inspiration: philosophical, literary, cultural and visual.6 For instance, Norden saw the Heldenschau as an imitation of Homer's teichoscopia , the catalogue of Achaean heroes.7 In 1965, Skard argued that Vergil modeled the Heldenschau on aristocratic funeral processions (based on eschatological elements in Aeneid 6 and a reference to the funeral of Marcellus at 6.860-885).8 Some scholars have elaborated on Skard's thesis, arguing that the Heldenschau reflects the Roman practice of having actors represent noble ancestors at aristocratic funerals by wearing their imagines (ancestor masks) and magisterial robes;9 others have noted that Anchises' praise of certain heroes evokes eulogies extolling ancestral achievements delivered at Roman funeral assemblies.10 Meanwhile, visual and thematic elements that do not fit the funereal model are often passed over; reinterpreted as a clever inversion of the aristocratic funeral;11 or used as evidence for otherwise unattested developments in aristocratic funerary practice in the later Republic.12 Meanwhile, others have focused on the visual sources from which Vergil drew inspiration for his heroes' descriptions, such as works of art on public display and numismatic designs.13 6 On aspects of the Heldenschau see: Delaruelle 1913;Hurlbut 1920;Camps 1959;Williams 1964;Otis 1964 297-312;Skard 1965;Highet 1972, passim;Harrison 1978;Burke 1979;Austin 1986, esp. 202-278;Bacon 1986;Brenk 1986;Feeney 1986;Novara 1987;Grebe 1989;Habinek 1989;Hardie 1990;Bettini 1991;Goold 1992;Braund 1997;Flower 1997 109-114;Zetzel 1997;Bartsch 1998;Glei 1998;Lefèvre 1998;Leach 1999 125-129;Ahl 2007 372-382;Geiger 2008, esp. 50-51;O'Sullivan 2011 74-76;Molyviati 2011;Kondratieff 2012;…”

Anchises CensoriusVergil, Augustus, and the Census of 28 B.C.E.

“…For other, often quite different, treatments of this passage: Delaruelle (1913);Hurlbut (1920);Camps (1959); Williams (1964); Otis (1964) 297-312;Skard (1965); Burke (1979); Austin (1986), esp. 202-78;Brenk (1986);Feeney (1986);Novara (1987); Grebe (1989); Habinek (1989); Hardie (1990);Bettini (1991);Goold (1992); Braund (1997);Flower (1997) 109-14;Zetzel (1997); Glei (1998); Lefèvre (1998);Ahl (2007) 372-82;Geiger (2008), esp. 50-51;and Molyviati (2011).…”

Ghosts of Optimism: Virgil’s Parade of Heroes in Joyce’s “Circe”

“…The abrupt end of the parade, then, at the 51. Brenk (1990); Burke (1979); Feeney (1986); Habinek (1989). 52.…”

“…56. On the importance of family in the parade of heroes see Feeney (1986), and on the succession of the Julian line in particular see Getty (1950); Williams (1987, 36-40).…”

“…29. For the view of this passage as an optimistic or patriotic vision of the Augustan future, see especially Getty (1950); Williams (1964); and for the view that the passage rather disturbs or undermines its seeming optimistic political vision see especially Feeney (1986); O' Hara (1990, 163-172). 30.…”