Abstract:The current study sought to qualitatively examine the role of social class in the development of atheist identity, the experience of atheism-related minority stress, and relationships between atheists. Using a critical phenomenological design, we captured the experiences of 15 working-class and the low-income U.S. American atheists and identified five themes: Early Doubts and Establishment of Atheist Values; Diverse Experiences of Antiatheist and Class-Based Stigma; Expecting Indifference, Exercising Caution; … Show more
“…Relatedly, in a prior study, atheism was not central or salient among low-income and working-class atheists; however, unlike women in the present study, low centrality and salience were attributed to the precedence of other roles and responsibilities (e.g., work and children) and/or appeared related to privileges (e.g., maleness, Whiteness; Abbott et al, 2021). By contrast, atheist identity was central, or important to women's sense of themselves, though not salient among participants in the present study.…”
Section: Atheism As a Concealable Stigmatized Identity Among Womencontrasting
confidence: 65%
“…This may speak to women's psychological strength in and the value they place upon relationality or connectedness (Miller, 1976). By contrast, low-income and working-class atheists, most of whom were men, reported disregard for others' perceptions of their atheism and described their atheism as an individual endeavor with little desire for connection (Abbott et al, 2021). Therefore, knowing a few other atheist women, experiencing sexism in atheist groups, and being misunderstood by Christians, the majority religious group in the U.S., may be particularly difficult for atheist women as compared to men given their proclivity for social connection.…”
Section: Atheism As a Concealable Stigmatized Identity Among Womenmentioning
confidence: 92%
“…In a study of social identity threat or awareness of the devaluation of atheists, stigma consciousness was associated with higher levels of concealment and a lower likelihood of public atheism, especially among atheists residing in the Southern U.S. (Mackey et al, 2021). Atheists, particularly those belonging to other marginalized communities (e.g., people of color and low-income atheists), engage in a process of strategic outness (see Orne, 2011) in which they exercise caution with regard to disclosure of their atheism and use concealment to protect relationships, avoid negative consequences in the workplace, and ensure emotional and physical safety (Abbott et al, 2020a;Abbott et al, 2021). Indeed, Frost et al (2022) found women were more likely to conceal their atheism as compared to men.…”
Section: Anti-atheist Discriminationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Thus, relations between aspects of CSIs seem to vary among atheists in the U.S. with different cultural positionalities (e.g., race and social class). For example, low-income and working-class atheists did not describe their atheism as salient and, therefore, were not distressed by anti-atheist stigma despite awareness of its pervasive nature (Abbott et al, 2021). Atheists of color often described the challenge of being an outsider within communities of color, due to their nonbelief, and within atheist communities, as they were not White (Abbott et al, 2020a).…”
Using a critical, grounded theory approach, we interviewed 31 atheist-identified women to ascertain the ways in which women develop and navigate an atheist identity and how their experience is influenced by patriarchal, hegemonic Christianity in the United States using a concealable stigmatized identity framework. Qualitative analysis resulted in six core categories: (1) Embracing Atheism as Liberation, (2) Escaping Christian Patriarchy, Challenging Atheist Patriarchy, (3) Low Identity Salience Provides Protection from Anti-Atheist Discrimination, (4) Expectations to Conform to Christian Norms, (5) Disclosure Requires Thoughtfulness and Purpose, and (6) Connecting with Other Atheists is Valuable and Elusive. Although atheist women experienced sexism within atheist communities that made connecting with other atheists challenging, participants viewed atheism as liberating them from religious patriarchy. Anti-atheist discrimination was common early in women’s atheist identity development, but not as frequent or salient over time. Rather, Christian hegemony and the expectation to adapt to Christian norms were more distressing than individual acts of anti-atheist discrimination. Therefore, concealment and disclosure were used to reduce personal discomfort and protect others’ feelings, rather than to avoid overt anti-atheist stigma. Integration with previous concealable stigmatized identity and atheism literature is discussed. In the interest of more equitable and healthy atheist communities for women atheists, community members and leaders are encouraged to dismantle patriarchy within secular organizations and center women’s voices and experiences. Clinicians and researchers can increase awareness of how hegemonic, patriarchal Christianity influences their professional work and the women they serve and eradicate such bias from their methods.
“…Relatedly, in a prior study, atheism was not central or salient among low-income and working-class atheists; however, unlike women in the present study, low centrality and salience were attributed to the precedence of other roles and responsibilities (e.g., work and children) and/or appeared related to privileges (e.g., maleness, Whiteness; Abbott et al, 2021). By contrast, atheist identity was central, or important to women's sense of themselves, though not salient among participants in the present study.…”
Section: Atheism As a Concealable Stigmatized Identity Among Womencontrasting
confidence: 65%
“…This may speak to women's psychological strength in and the value they place upon relationality or connectedness (Miller, 1976). By contrast, low-income and working-class atheists, most of whom were men, reported disregard for others' perceptions of their atheism and described their atheism as an individual endeavor with little desire for connection (Abbott et al, 2021). Therefore, knowing a few other atheist women, experiencing sexism in atheist groups, and being misunderstood by Christians, the majority religious group in the U.S., may be particularly difficult for atheist women as compared to men given their proclivity for social connection.…”
Section: Atheism As a Concealable Stigmatized Identity Among Womenmentioning
confidence: 92%
“…In a study of social identity threat or awareness of the devaluation of atheists, stigma consciousness was associated with higher levels of concealment and a lower likelihood of public atheism, especially among atheists residing in the Southern U.S. (Mackey et al, 2021). Atheists, particularly those belonging to other marginalized communities (e.g., people of color and low-income atheists), engage in a process of strategic outness (see Orne, 2011) in which they exercise caution with regard to disclosure of their atheism and use concealment to protect relationships, avoid negative consequences in the workplace, and ensure emotional and physical safety (Abbott et al, 2020a;Abbott et al, 2021). Indeed, Frost et al (2022) found women were more likely to conceal their atheism as compared to men.…”
Section: Anti-atheist Discriminationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Thus, relations between aspects of CSIs seem to vary among atheists in the U.S. with different cultural positionalities (e.g., race and social class). For example, low-income and working-class atheists did not describe their atheism as salient and, therefore, were not distressed by anti-atheist stigma despite awareness of its pervasive nature (Abbott et al, 2021). Atheists of color often described the challenge of being an outsider within communities of color, due to their nonbelief, and within atheist communities, as they were not White (Abbott et al, 2020a).…”
Using a critical, grounded theory approach, we interviewed 31 atheist-identified women to ascertain the ways in which women develop and navigate an atheist identity and how their experience is influenced by patriarchal, hegemonic Christianity in the United States using a concealable stigmatized identity framework. Qualitative analysis resulted in six core categories: (1) Embracing Atheism as Liberation, (2) Escaping Christian Patriarchy, Challenging Atheist Patriarchy, (3) Low Identity Salience Provides Protection from Anti-Atheist Discrimination, (4) Expectations to Conform to Christian Norms, (5) Disclosure Requires Thoughtfulness and Purpose, and (6) Connecting with Other Atheists is Valuable and Elusive. Although atheist women experienced sexism within atheist communities that made connecting with other atheists challenging, participants viewed atheism as liberating them from religious patriarchy. Anti-atheist discrimination was common early in women’s atheist identity development, but not as frequent or salient over time. Rather, Christian hegemony and the expectation to adapt to Christian norms were more distressing than individual acts of anti-atheist discrimination. Therefore, concealment and disclosure were used to reduce personal discomfort and protect others’ feelings, rather than to avoid overt anti-atheist stigma. Integration with previous concealable stigmatized identity and atheism literature is discussed. In the interest of more equitable and healthy atheist communities for women atheists, community members and leaders are encouraged to dismantle patriarchy within secular organizations and center women’s voices and experiences. Clinicians and researchers can increase awareness of how hegemonic, patriarchal Christianity influences their professional work and the women they serve and eradicate such bias from their methods.
“…Atheists face substantial bias and stigma (Abbott et al, 2021; Cragun et al, 2012; Gervais & Najle, 2018), yet empirical research examining the discrimination atheists face remains scarce, especially within legal contexts. This is despite evidence that the number of atheists and religiously unaffiliated individuals is increasing (Gallup, 2021; Gervais & Najle, 2018).…”
The number of self-identified atheists and nonreligious individuals is increasing, yet research examining discrimination toward atheists in the workplace remains rare. The present study expands prior work on religious hostile work environment complaints to one involving an atheist employee alleging discrimination. In the present study, 234 students and community members (gender: 133 women, 93 men, 6 nonbinary/ transgender, 2 unreported; religious status: 126 religiously affiliated; 75 "none"; 10 atheist; 6 agnostic; 17 unreported) were recruited to complete an online legal decision-making study. Participants read the complaint of an atheist employee alleging that an Evangelical Christian supervisor's proselytizing constituted discrimination. Participants were randomly assigned to one of four conditions varying the complainant's gender (male; female) and student status (student; worker) to examine the role of similarity. Participants completed legal measures from both the objective perspective required by the law and their own subjective perspective to examine the role of self-referencing. Participants' subjective ratings of whether the conduct would constitute discrimination if it happened to them generally affected their objective ratings of whether the atheist employee had been discriminated against. Religious status similarity, as well as gender, affected participants' legal ratings. In particular, nonreligious, atheist, and agnostic participants were more likely to see the conduct as discrimination, while Evangelical Christian participants were less likely. Results show that self-referencing and similarity affect how people perceive workplace discrimination faced by atheists. Recommendations for future research and workplace trainings are discussed.
The occurrence and impact of antiatheist stigma appear to differ based on the geography and religiousness of the communities in which atheists live (Frazer et al., 2020;Frost et al., 2022). However, few studies have examined the potentially unique experiences of atheists living in parts of the United States (U.S.) designated as rural. Using a critical, grounded theory approach, the present study interviewed 18 rural-residing atheists about their experiences including antiatheist discrimination, outness, and their psychological well-being. Qualitative interviews resulted in five core categories of responses: (a) Harm to Atheists Living in Rural Communities; (b) Anti-Atheist Stigma Complicates Relationships in Rural Communities; (c) Hiding Atheism as a Primary Strategy for Safety in Rural Communities, (d) Personal Advantages that Promote Health and Safety, and (e) Atheism as a Part of a Healthy and Tolerant Worldview. Participants described a heightened danger to their physical safety, a preference for identity concealment, and barriers to access to health-promoting resources like non-religion-affirming health care and community, particularly in the rural Southern United States. However, conversely, participants also described the health benefits of their nonreligious worldview in the context of the challenges of living as an atheist in a rural community.
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