“…The response to a request, however, does differ by gender, as the investment rate becomes 51 percent for men and 76 percent for women. The probit regression in Table 5 confirms that the response to requests is significant and that the likelihood of agreeing to the request is significantly greater 38 Two-sided session-level paired t-test p = 0.014 for rounds [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10]. Differentiating between stranger and non-stranger rounds gives p = 0.109 and 0.070, respectively.…”
mentioning
confidence: 83%
“…Recent work has also investigated the distribution of player types (Bergstrom, Garratt, and Leo 2015) and mechanisms to allow flexible turn taking (Leo 2014). 9 Including a $6 show-up fee secured average earnings of $22.32. 10 The share of females in each session was: 33.3 percent in two sessions, 44.4 percent in two sessions, 47.6 percent in one session, 50 percent in three sessions, and 53.3 percent in one session.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Average earnings from the ten decision rounds were $16.32. 9 Nine sessions were conducted, with between 12 and 21 participants per session, for a total of 150 participants (82 males and 68 females). Sessions were roughly gender balanced with the share of women participating in a session ranging between 33 percent and 53 percent.…”
Gender differences in task allocationsDespite significant female educational advances, we continue to see gender differences in labor market outcomes (Goldin, Katz, and Kuziemko 2006; Bertrand, Goldin, and Katz 2010). Particularly striking is the persistent vertical gender segregation (Altonji and Blank 1999; Bertrand and Hallock 2001). To better understand the process by which men and women advance in the workplace, researchers have begun to examine whether the tasks that they perform at work vary, and whether such differences contribute to differences in advancement.Of particular interest is whether, relative to men, women spend less time on tasks that are likely to influence their performance evaluations (high-promotability tasks) and more time on tasks that, while benefiting the organization, are less likely to affect their evaluation and career advancement (low-promotability tasks). For example, in industry, revenue-generating tasks may be seen as more promotable than
“…The response to a request, however, does differ by gender, as the investment rate becomes 51 percent for men and 76 percent for women. The probit regression in Table 5 confirms that the response to requests is significant and that the likelihood of agreeing to the request is significantly greater 38 Two-sided session-level paired t-test p = 0.014 for rounds [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10]. Differentiating between stranger and non-stranger rounds gives p = 0.109 and 0.070, respectively.…”
mentioning
confidence: 83%
“…Recent work has also investigated the distribution of player types (Bergstrom, Garratt, and Leo 2015) and mechanisms to allow flexible turn taking (Leo 2014). 9 Including a $6 show-up fee secured average earnings of $22.32. 10 The share of females in each session was: 33.3 percent in two sessions, 44.4 percent in two sessions, 47.6 percent in one session, 50 percent in three sessions, and 53.3 percent in one session.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Average earnings from the ten decision rounds were $16.32. 9 Nine sessions were conducted, with between 12 and 21 participants per session, for a total of 150 participants (82 males and 68 females). Sessions were roughly gender balanced with the share of women participating in a session ranging between 33 percent and 53 percent.…”
Gender differences in task allocationsDespite significant female educational advances, we continue to see gender differences in labor market outcomes (Goldin, Katz, and Kuziemko 2006; Bertrand, Goldin, and Katz 2010). Particularly striking is the persistent vertical gender segregation (Altonji and Blank 1999; Bertrand and Hallock 2001). To better understand the process by which men and women advance in the workplace, researchers have begun to examine whether the tasks that they perform at work vary, and whether such differences contribute to differences in advancement.Of particular interest is whether, relative to men, women spend less time on tasks that are likely to influence their performance evaluations (high-promotability tasks) and more time on tasks that, while benefiting the organization, are less likely to affect their evaluation and career advancement (low-promotability tasks). For example, in industry, revenue-generating tasks may be seen as more promotable than
“…According to previous gender research, these individual preferences for different negotiation styles are also associated with gender. Women are more likely to perceive negotiations in a larger context and, therefore, tend to be more aware of the relationship between negotiating parties (Gilligan 1991;Kolb and Coolidge 1991;Ong 1989;Tannen 1993). Women are less aggressive (Hyde 1996;Ruble and Schneer 2000) and women use dialogue interactively by listening and contributing to obtain information about the opponent's ideas and preferences (Kolb and Coolidge 1991).…”
Section: Theoretical Background and Hypothesesmentioning
confidence: 97%
“…There is ample empirical evidence of the impact of gender in face-to-face negotiations (e.g., Kolb and Coolidge 1991;Kray et al 2001;Watson 2000). In electronic negotiations, however, several effects may mediate the influence of gender.…”
There is ample empirical evidence for the impact of gender in face-to-face negotiations. In electronic negotiations, the use of electronic negotiation support systems (eNS) implies important differences to face-to-face communication settings: (1) eNSs permit among other functions, revising, storing, processing, and transmitting information and (2) Computer-mediated communication reduces the transmission of interpersonal and social context cues. In this study, we use a controlled laboratory experiment to analyse how the negotiators' gender, the gender-composition of negotiation dyads as well as the negotiators' prior relationship affect negotiation behaviour in electronic negotiations. Our results clearly indicate stereotypical behaviour of men and women in electronic negotiations: Overall, women give more information about their personal interests and needs and tend to be more yielding while men, on the contrary, tend to be more persuasive and competitive. When negotiating with a friend, men show significantly more integrative negotiation behaviour while women's behaviour does not change to a great extent. Finally, we find the gender-specific adaptation of negotiators to their counterpart to be relatively low indicating less gender salience in electronic negotiations.
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