Hay que Sufrir: The meaning of suffering among former Mexican American migrant farmworkers

Horner, Pilar; Martinez, Rubén O.

doi:10.1057/lst.2015.41

Cited by 7 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…Aguantarismo is also anticipated, however obliquely, in studies focused on sufrimiento (suffering). Those most useful in relation to the present research foreground the theoretical construct of ‘social suffering’ as the outcome of an oppressive and inequitable structural order that constrains choice and agency (e.g., Holmes, 2006 ; Horner and Martinez, 2015 ). The critical perspective is crucial: many of our participants themselves referred to structural barriers.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Addressing COVID-19 vaccination equity for Hispanic/Latino communities by attending to aguantarismo: A Californian US–Mexico border perspective

Sobo

Cervantes

Ceballos

et al. 2022

Social Science & Medicine

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Addressing COVID-19 vaccination equity for Hispanic/Latino communities by attending to aguantarismo: A Californian US–Mexico border perspective

Sobo

Cervantes

Ceballos

et al. 2022

Social Science & Medicine

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“…A second possibility is that conceptualizations of 'God,' religion, social suffering, and moral issues are different for minority citizens who might connect religion with social justice outcomes. Religious appeals may reinforce a collective identity of social suffering and injustice that interprets hardship as a pathway to God instead of God becoming one's personal savior (Horner and Martinez 2015). Hence, religious appeals that resonate with comparatively advantaged white voters may not ring similarly with Hispanic voters.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Family Values Don’t Stop at the Rio Grande . . .”: Can the Republican Party Convert Hispanic Voters?

Davison

2020

ARP

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As the Hispanic community becomes increasingly important in American politics there are competing views about whether they can be converted to the Republican Party. One perspective argues that Hispanics’ religion and traditional social values makes them natural constituents of the Republican Party. Alternatively, Hispanics are primarily concerned about issues promoting their well-being and topics such as moral values or religion are private. We use a novel approach to test whether traditional social values might attract Hispanic voters to the Republican Party. Using exit poll results for ballot propositions on moral issues from Arizona, Colorado, and Florida we find weak evidence that traditional values will convert Hispanics to the Republican Party. Instead, our results indicate that traditional social values issues reinforce the polarization between the two parties.

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“…There was one instance of explicitly articulated resistance, while the rest of the participants conceived of their actions simply as inevitable responses to obdurate, externally determined conditions: “What can we do?” (ID-29). Though common (Holmes 2006; Horner and Martinez 2015), the naturalization and internalization of this suffering and structural inequality was incomplete; denunciations of the poor quality housing were far more common and salient than occasional rationalizations based on identity, nationality, or socioeconomic status. Labor camp residents’ agency may reinforce its structural determinants, but these structures were not totalizing for these subjects.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Aguantamos”: Limits to Latino Migrant Farmworker Agency in North Carolina Labor Camps

Heine¹,

Quandt²,

Arcury³

2017

Human Organization

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Each year, tens of thousands of Latino migrant farmworkers return to the hills and fields of North Carolina to live in employer-provided labor camps that often fail to meet regulatory and ethical standards. Little attention has been paid to how these workers and their families perceive and respond to substandard housing conditions. This paper analyzes how far and in what ways Latino migrant farmworkers living in eastern North Carolina labor camps feel their agency extends in responding to substandard housing and work conditions, while also considering who among them has the power to exercise this agency. Based on qualitative analysis of interviews with twenty-three migrant farmworkers or partners of farmworkers, our findings indicate that the limits of migrant farmworker agency are strongly dictated by the close relationship between migrant farmworker employment and housing; by the importance of remittance wages for dependents; and by individual immigration, gender, and education characteristics. In the current context, the informal and reparative nature of agentive acts in substandard labor camps creates real but minor improvements while also co-constructing the very structural neglect to which it responds. We conclude that current housing and labor policy frameworks do little to amplify and support differentially distributed migrant farmworker agency and its individualized successes.

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Hay que Sufrir: The meaning of suffering among former Mexican American migrant farmworkers

Cited by 7 publications

References 15 publications

Addressing COVID-19 vaccination equity for Hispanic/Latino communities by attending to aguantarismo: A Californian US–Mexico border perspective

Addressing COVID-19 vaccination equity for Hispanic/Latino communities by attending to aguantarismo: A Californian US–Mexico border perspective

“Family Values Don’t Stop at the Rio Grande . . .”: Can the Republican Party Convert Hispanic Voters?

“Aguantamos”: Limits to Latino Migrant Farmworker Agency in North Carolina Labor Camps

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