Harmonization and Burden Redistribution in the Two Europes

Europe's Border Relationships and International Migration Relations*

“…What has changed is the ways in which this movement is understood and becomes a political problem. This is what is meant by conceptual widening in relation to new migration flows such as large-scale asylum-seeking, irregular migration, people smuggling and human trafficking that have been particularly evident since the end of the cold war (on asylum, see Hailbronner, 2004;Byrne et al, 2002;Byrne, 2003; on irregular migration, see Bogusz et al, 2004). Closely linked to the emergence of new forms of migration has been the development of new forms of state and supranational response to these migration flows that have implications for the debate about state sovereignty with externalization of policy and the involvement of surrounding states and regions in EU controls.…”

Irregular and Illegal Migration through Ukraine

“…Some argue that the ultimate effect of the EU insisting on a restrictive border policy will be to create new dividing lines, which produces a different kind of risk (Cygan, 2003: 5;Byrne, 2003). They suggest that while Europe may see a sealed border as protection, closed borders also pose barriers to sharing principles and values (Cygan, 2003: 2).…”

The Europeanisation of Migration Policy — The Normative Issues

“…Third countries that might become EU-members in the next round of enlargement probably function also as agents-in-remote-control of European regulations and policies (Byrne 2003;Byrne 2002;Geddes 2003;Jileva 2002;Lavenex 1998;Lavenex 2001b;Lavenex 2002;Mitsilegas 2002;Wallace 2002;Zielonka 2001).…”

“…For third countries confronted with co-operating European states there often is no alternative but accepting (the consequences of) European migration regulations. Private parties, like air-carriers, cannot threaten to threaten to boycott specific European destination when all countries apply the same sanctions (Byrne 2003).…”

“…The burden of being an 'agent' for the European 'principal' can, furthermore, be considerable; considerable in terms of the costs of the bureaucracy and judiciary involved, but also in consequences for internal stability and civic support (Byrne 2003;Byrne 2002;Geddes 2003;Jileva 2002;Lavenex 1998;Lavenex 2001b;Lavenex 2002;Mitsilegas 2002;Wallace 2002;Zielonka 2001). The question, then, is whether a fair distribution of the 'burden' is realised.…”