Abstract:Many legal, social, and medical theorists and practitioners, as well as lay people, seem to be concerned with the harmfulness of discriminative practices. However, the philosophical literature on the moral wrongness of discrimination, with a few exceptions, does not focus on harm. In this paper, I examine, and improve, a recent account of wrongful discrimination, which divides into (1) a definition of group discrimination, and (2) a characterisation of its moral wrong-making feature in terms of harm. The resul… Show more
“…The definition of discrimination which I assume in this paper is non-moralized. ground, "some suitable alternative situation" must be specified in a non-arbitrary and non-counterintuitive way (for discussion of why this might be difficult, see Rasmussen (2019)), and in such a way that it continues to be a harm-based account, and, second, it still might not solve the problem in overdetermination cases.…”
Section: Let Us Now Turn To the Objective-meaning Accountmentioning
According to a prominent view, discrimination is wrong, when it is, because it makes people worse off. In this paper, I argue that this harm-based account runs into trouble because it cannot point to a harm, without making controversial metaphysical commitments, in cases of discrimination in which the discriminatory act kills the discriminatee. That is, the harm-based account suffers from a problem of death. I then show that the two main alternative accounts of the wrongness of discrimination—the mental-state-based account and the objective-meaning account—do not run into this problem.
“…The definition of discrimination which I assume in this paper is non-moralized. ground, "some suitable alternative situation" must be specified in a non-arbitrary and non-counterintuitive way (for discussion of why this might be difficult, see Rasmussen (2019)), and in such a way that it continues to be a harm-based account, and, second, it still might not solve the problem in overdetermination cases.…”
Section: Let Us Now Turn To the Objective-meaning Accountmentioning
According to a prominent view, discrimination is wrong, when it is, because it makes people worse off. In this paper, I argue that this harm-based account runs into trouble because it cannot point to a harm, without making controversial metaphysical commitments, in cases of discrimination in which the discriminatory act kills the discriminatee. That is, the harm-based account suffers from a problem of death. I then show that the two main alternative accounts of the wrongness of discrimination—the mental-state-based account and the objective-meaning account—do not run into this problem.
“…The above functional definition of implicit bias refers to social categories, which points to a concern with, specifically, group discrimination, that is, discrimination due to group membership:(GD) An agent, X, group discriminates against someone, Y, by Φ‐ing if, and only if:There is a property, P, such that Y has P or X believes that Y has P,By Φ‐ing, X treats Y worse than X would have treated Y, had Y not had P or had X not believed Y to have P,It is because (X believes that) Y has P that X treats Y worse by Φ‐ing, andP is the property of being a member of a socially salient group (i.e., a group perceived membership of which is important to the structure of social interactions across a wide range of social contexts) (Berndt Rasmussen, 2019, para. 7) 3…”
Recent social‐psychological research suggests that a considerable amount of, for example, racial and gendered discrimination may be connected to implicit biases: mental processes beyond our direct control or endorsement, that influence our behaviour toward members of socially salient groups. In this article I seek to improve our understanding of the phenomenon of implicit bias, including its moral status, by examining it through the lens of a theory of discrimination. In doing so, I also suggest ways to improve this theory of discrimination, by creating conceptual space for implicit bias discrimination. I explore two ways of distinguishing direct and indirect discrimination and spell out the resulting four different forms of discrimination. The resulting taxonomy provides some room for implicit bias discrimination. I also deal with four challenges to my proposal for capturing implicit bias within discrimination theory: the metaphysical challenge, the moral insignificance challenge, the causal connection challenge, and the challenge from irreducibly collective bias.
“…Discrimination harms people’s lives [ 1 ]. It can deprive them of socioeconomic opportunities in daily life (e.g., education, employment, and income), and these disadvantages can accumulate over the life-course [ 2 - 4 ].…”
OBJECTIVES
This study was conducted to examine gender differences in under-reporting hiring discrimination by building a prediction model for workers who responded “not applicable (NA)” to a question about hiring discrimination despite being eligible to answer.
METHODS
Using data from 3,576 wage workers in the seventh wave (2004) of the Korea Labor and Income Panel Study, we trained and tested 9 machine learning algorithms using “yes” or “no” responses regarding the lifetime experience of hiring discrimination. We then applied the best-performing model to estimate the prevalence of experiencing hiring discrimination among those who answered “NA.” Under-reporting of hiring discrimination was calculated by comparing the prevalence of hiring discrimination between the “yes” or “no” group and the “NA” group.
RESULTS
Based on the predictions from the random forest model, we found that 58.8% of the “NA” group were predicted to have experienced hiring discrimination, while 19.7% of the “yes” or “no” group reported hiring discrimination. Among the “NA” group, the predicted prevalence of hiring discrimination for men and women was 45.3% and 84.8%, respectively.
CONCLUSIONS
This study introduces a methodological strategy for epidemiologic studies to address the under-reporting of discrimination by applying machine learning algorithms.
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