"Half the Battle": Cultural Resonance, Framing Processes, and Ethnic Affectations in Contemporary White Separatist Rhetoric

Berbrier, Mitch

doi:10.1525/sp.1998.45.4.03x0174r

Cited by 49 publications

(50 citation statements)

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“…White supremacist political organizations address social and political issues from a white supremacist analytic framework. In this way, they often frame the world through a racist view and advocate a neo-Nazi/fascist solution based on racial hierarchy to rid the world of its social problems (Arena & Arrigo, 2000;Berbrier, 1998a;Berbrier, 1998b;Berbrier, 1999;Daniels, 1997;Dobratz, 2000;Dobratz & Shanks-Meile, 2000;Ezekiel, 1995;Ferber, 1999;Hamm, 1993;Ridgeway, 1995). In contrast, white supremacist religious organizations often rely on a spiritual foundation for white superiority.…”

Section: Sectors Of the White Supremacist Movement-political Relimentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Mitch Berbrier (1998aBerbrier ( , 1998bBerbrier ( , 1999 has identified two key macrolevel strategies used by white supremacists to reframe stigmatized identity: ethnic claims-making and intellectualization. The process of ethnic claimsmaking involves the effort to portray white supremacist ideology as representing that of an ethnic group, arguing, among other things, that the label "racist" is applied to them simply for having a healthy pride in their heritage and culture.…”

Section: White Supremacist Identity Stigma and Stigma Managementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…By engaging the immigration issue, KSS is able to engage in both macro-and micro-level stigma management strategies in order to build relationships with more mainstream actors on the right. With contemporary anti-immigration rhetoric focused primarily on non-white Hispanic and Latino immigrants, the racialization of the "illegal" immigrant serves to validate the ethnic claims-making strategies of white supremacists (Berbrier, 1998a(Berbrier, , 1998b. Groups like the KSS can portray themselves not as racist bigots, but as advocates for a deindustrialized white working class.…”

Section: Immigration Concerns and Legitimation Strategiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Uniting the Right: Anti-Immigration, Organizing, and the Legitimation of Extreme Racist Organizations

Vysotsky

2014

jhs

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This article analyzes the use of anti-immigration rhetoric and organizing efforts by extreme rightwing racist groups to present themselves as political actors. The authors analyze this process through a case study of the Keystone State Skinheads/Keystone United, a Pennsylvania-based hate group. The authors identify the manner in which this countercultural group uses anti-immigrant rhetoric to frame itself as a political organization. White racist organizations utilize issues such as the opposition to immigration to minimize stigma associated with their beliefs. This strategy has allowed them to participate at the forefront of anti-immigration organizing over the course of the last decade. By engaging in such organizing activity, extreme groups often present themselves to a more mainstream audience as nonviolent organizations working merely to uphold immigration law. Additionally, the participation of white supremacists in the immigration debate shifts rhetoric further to the right and legitimizes expressions of racist sentiment by mainstream political actors.

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Section: Sectors Of the White Supremacist Movement-political Relimentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: White Supremacist Identity Stigma and Stigma Managementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Immigration Concerns and Legitimation Strategiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Uniting the Right: Anti-Immigration, Organizing, and the Legitimation of Extreme Racist Organizations

Vysotsky

2014

jhs

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“…The success of a frame is measured by its resonance; in turn, resonance is primarily the interactive function of its credibility, empirical commensurability, and salience to audience experience (Benford and Snow, 2000a: 619-22). Resonance is essentially an ecological variable that situates framing processes within specific socio-historical contexts (Berbrier, 1998;Kubal, 1998;Mirola, 2003). Resonant framing means using contextually available cultural tools-relevant and salient metaphors, recognizable stereotypes, and familiar story templates-to render news stories immediately accessible and satisfying to audiences.…”

Section: Media Narratives and The Productiodreproduction Of Stigmasmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fallen Women and Rescued Girls: Social Stigma and Media Narratives of the Sex Industry in Victoria, B.C., from 1980 to 2005

Hallgrímsdóttir

Phillips

Benoit

2006

Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue Canadienne De Sociologie

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Cet article compare les portraits médiatiques de personnes qui travaillent dans l'industrie du sexe avec les représentations de soi de ces travailleurs, représentations qui incluent leurs origines personnelles et leurs expériences vécues au quotidien. Notre objectif est de jauger la distance empirique entre les descriptions médiatiques et la réalité vécue de ces travailleurs puis de comprendre comment les médias contribuent à cons‐truire, reproduire et approfondir les stigmates sociaux associés au travail dans l'industrie du sexe. Nous avangons que le fait de distinguer la variabilité historique et spatiale de ces stigmates ainsi que le fait d'expli‐quer leurs racines dans les activités de sens et de pratiques des auteurs et autorités médiatiques représentent une avancée cruciale pour la compréhension de leur construction sociale. This paper compares media portrayals of people who work in the sex industry with these workers' self‐reports of their personal backgrounds and experiences of what they do for a living. Our aim is to first, gauge the empirical distance between media depictions and workers' lived reality, and second, to understand how the media contributes to constructing, reproducing and deepening the social stigmas associated with working in the sex industry. We argue that pulling apart the historical and spatial variability of these stigmas and explicating their roots in the meaning‐making activities of media authors and authorities is a crucial step towards understanding their social construction.

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“…For nearly 20 years, social movement analysts have been attending to the social construction of contentious issues by insurgents (e.g., Benford 1993a, b;Benford and Snow 2000;Berbrier 1998;Capek 1998;Einwohner 2002a;Gamson and Modigliani 1989;Gerhards 1995;Klandermans 1992;Koopmans and Duyvendak 1995;Kubal 1998;Marullo, Pagnucco, and Smith 1996;McCaffrey and Keys 2000;McCammon 2001;Mooney and Hunt 1996;Snow et al 1986; Benford 1988, 1992;Williams 1995;Williams and Benford 2000). Since the publication of a groundbreaking article by Snow and his colleagues (1986), the definitional politics engaged in by social movements has been discussed largely in terms of the concepts of frames and frame alignment.…”

Section: Organizational and Movement Identity-framingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Dangerous Issues and Public Identities: The Negotiation of Controversy in Two Movement Organizations*

Haines

2006

Sociological Inquiry

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Social movement organizations frame not only their target issues, but their own organizational identities. In doing so, they are sometimes forced to make difficult decisions that pit principle against considerations of image. This article compares and contrasts episodes from two different movements: (1) Amnesty International's (AIUSA) expansion of its human rights agenda to include death penalty abolitionism and (2) the American Civil Liberties Union's (ACLU) endorsement of drug legalization. Based upon documentary and interview data, I demonstrate that Amnesty's decision to work toward the abolition of capital punishment provoked intense internal debate based upon the prevalence within AIUSA at that time of a narrow conception of human rights, concern about the effect of anti‐death penalty projects on the group's priorities, and the fear that the carefully crafted image the organization had built would be damaged by anti‐death penalty work. The ACLU's endorsement of drug legalization provoked some of the same concerns, but issues of public identity management were far less evident. Instead, internal debates focused on the proper breadth of the organization's anti‐prohibitionism. I suggest that the differences between the two cases may be understood in terms of contrasting organizational cultures, framing vocabularies, and membership profiles.

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"Half the Battle": Cultural Resonance, Framing Processes, and Ethnic Affectations in Contemporary White Separatist Rhetoric

Cited by 49 publications

References 0 publications

Uniting the Right: Anti-Immigration, Organizing, and the Legitimation of Extreme Racist Organizations

Uniting the Right: Anti-Immigration, Organizing, and the Legitimation of Extreme Racist Organizations

Fallen Women and Rescued Girls: Social Stigma and Media Narratives of the Sex Industry in Victoria, B.C., from 1980 to 2005

Dangerous Issues and Public Identities: The Negotiation of Controversy in Two Movement Organizations*

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