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Some twenty years ago now, after two years of bitter fighting, the Eritrea-Ethiopia war ended. On 19 June 2000, in Algiers, an Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities was concluded followed on 12 December of the same year by a most elaborate Peace Agreement. The international community really had invested both in stopping the hostilities and in this Agreement. The warring parties had agreed to allow three international bodies to investigate their conflict and to decide on such vital matters as violations of humanitarian law, their mutual border, on responsibility for the war and on compensation. Two of these three bodies, the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) and the Eritrea-Ethiopia Claims Commission (EECC) were in fact founded and did their work. In 2000, both states had agreed to abide by the decisions of these international commissions. Whilst all the preliminaries for a lasting peace seemed present, it was not to be. Notably, the delimitation decision of the EEBC was not implemented by way of a proper demarcation of the long boundary. As a consequence, tensions between Eritrea and Ethiopia were not resolved; in fact, for 18 years, a highly detrimental situation of no war-no peace resulted.The first edition of this book consisted of a detailed, and critical, examination of the work of both the EEBC and the EECC, as well as an assessment of the complicated situation in the first years after the war. Apart from examining the 1998-2000 war in the light of existing international law, it also offered 'a thorough introduction and critical assessment of the complex history, as well as of the modern state of Eritrean-Ethiopian relations from the perspective of history, geography and political science.' 1 In this second edition, the focus has shifted, as the new title tries to reflect. On the one hand, the chapters of the first edition have been maintained and updated in view of new developments and new literature relevant for the understanding of the war and its aftermath. For instance, at the moment of publication in 2009, the last two decisions of the EECC had not been delivered. Of course their analysis has now been added. On the other hand, the book has broken some new grounds by analysing the relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia as they have developed in the period until most recently. This has been done in the updates of the chapters of the first edition,
Some twenty years ago now, after two years of bitter fighting, the Eritrea-Ethiopia war ended. On 19 June 2000, in Algiers, an Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities was concluded followed on 12 December of the same year by a most elaborate Peace Agreement. The international community really had invested both in stopping the hostilities and in this Agreement. The warring parties had agreed to allow three international bodies to investigate their conflict and to decide on such vital matters as violations of humanitarian law, their mutual border, on responsibility for the war and on compensation. Two of these three bodies, the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) and the Eritrea-Ethiopia Claims Commission (EECC) were in fact founded and did their work. In 2000, both states had agreed to abide by the decisions of these international commissions. Whilst all the preliminaries for a lasting peace seemed present, it was not to be. Notably, the delimitation decision of the EEBC was not implemented by way of a proper demarcation of the long boundary. As a consequence, tensions between Eritrea and Ethiopia were not resolved; in fact, for 18 years, a highly detrimental situation of no war-no peace resulted.The first edition of this book consisted of a detailed, and critical, examination of the work of both the EEBC and the EECC, as well as an assessment of the complicated situation in the first years after the war. Apart from examining the 1998-2000 war in the light of existing international law, it also offered 'a thorough introduction and critical assessment of the complex history, as well as of the modern state of Eritrean-Ethiopian relations from the perspective of history, geography and political science.' 1 In this second edition, the focus has shifted, as the new title tries to reflect. On the one hand, the chapters of the first edition have been maintained and updated in view of new developments and new literature relevant for the understanding of the war and its aftermath. For instance, at the moment of publication in 2009, the last two decisions of the EECC had not been delivered. Of course their analysis has now been added. On the other hand, the book has broken some new grounds by analysing the relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia as they have developed in the period until most recently. This has been done in the updates of the chapters of the first edition,
Drawing from both fictional and non-fictional sources, this article traces the way history was conceptualised in twentieth century Ethiopia by secular educated elites, charting out the changing power relations between Ethiopia's hegemonic historiographical paradigm, and the alternative historical visions that challenged this ‗Great Tradition' over the course of the century. While the Great Tradition extols Ethiopia's past and future glories, the counter-histories focused instead on the country's failure to develop and democratise. Against the interpretation that the counter-histories supplanted the Great Tradition in the late 1960s, the article examines them in terms of complementarity. The intellectual interventions of young student radicals in the late 1960s constitute a break, but not a drastic paradigm shift, from the past. The Great Tradition had already been put into question by older generations of intellectuals, even if they proved unable or unwilling to translate their disillusionment in political action.
This article deals with marriage as mobilized by the Ethiopian Empire as part of its consolidation processes after 1941. It particularly concentrates on post-liberation anxiety and how the Ethiopian Empire envisioned tackling this disquiet by reforming marriage. Within the context of (re)building the empire, policies, laws, and discourses around monogamous marriage instilled normative ideas to produce the imperial subjects — procreative and productive — that a modernizing empire required. Sex was articulated within the confines of a heterosexual union, not only as a legitimate act but also as a responsibility of couples who were accountable for the consolidation of the empire. Sexual relations out of marriage were condemned as a source of degeneracy and the ensuing danger that confronted the empire. New laws were introduced to legislate sex to tackle the unease the empire felt about non-normative sex and associated pleasure(s). What started out as a battle against the Italian legacy continued more forcefully in the 1950s and 1960s with the rise of ‘new problems’ that educated young women and men posed. The article relies on a range of sources such as policy, legal, religious, and travel documents; newspapers; and novels, as well as self-help books produced between the 1940s and 1960s.
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