Grammatical Voice

Zúñiga, Fernando; Kittilä, Seppo

doi:10.1017/9781316671399

Cited by 50 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 265 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…However, as already discussed in 3.4, it is not possible in Äiwoo to promote an argument to "object" function; the voice-selected argument is the only possible target of syntactic promotion. The construction discussed in this section thus differs from a canonical applicative in that the undergoer argument is introduced in "subject" rather than "object" function; Zúñiga and Kittilä (2019) call this function "subjective undergoer nucleative" or "subjective applicative".…”

Section: Deriving Undergoer-voice Equivalents To Transitive Actor-voice Formsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Voice and Valency Morphology in Äiwoo

Næss¹

2021

Oceanic Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper describes the function and distribution of the main morphological markers of voice and valency in the Oceanic language Äiwoo: the undergoer-voice suffixes -i, -nyi(i), -ive, -eâ, and -nâ, and the circumstantial voice clitic =Cä. It compares these functions and distributions to those reconstructed for the Proto Oceanic transitivising morphemes *-i and *akin[i], and suggests pathways of change that can account for many of the present-day Äiwoo forms as being reflexes of these morphemes and of the 3SG object clitic *=a, though some of the formal differentiation remains unexplained. This analysis implies that Äiwoo has a Philippine-type symmetrical voice system with Oceanic morphology, an unusual state of affairs which has implications for our understanding of the transition from Proto Malayo-Polynesian to Proto Oceanic.

show abstract

Section: Deriving Undergoer-voice Equivalents To Transitive Actor-voice Formsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Voice and Valency Morphology in Äiwoo

Næss¹

2021

Oceanic Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The latter characterization has been adopted here. 7 As was said in Section 1, je-/ ñetypically gives rise to two distinct diathetic readings (Zúñiga and Kittilä 2019), a reflexive and a passive-like interpretation. Indeed, the same form can be ambiguous between the two readings, as illustrated in (17) with the lexical causative -kytĩ 'cut.'…”

Section: The Je-/ ñE-markermentioning

confidence: 90%

States, Changes of State, and ‘Feigned States’ in Paraguayan Guarani Je-/Ñe- Predicates

Califa

2022

Languages

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Paraguayan Guarani features a pervasive pattern of aspectual polysemy whereby an underived monovalent predicate conveys both state and change of state senses, such as -o’ysã ‘be cold/get cold.’ The language also allows the derivation of monovalent predicates from causative verbs by the je-/ñe- prefix, yielding two distinct classes. The first one, called Class I, comprises predicates derived from causatives without an underived intransitive counterpart, such as -je-pe’a, from -pe’a ‘open (tr.).’ The second class, called Class II, are predicates derived from causatives with an underived intransitive counterpart, such as -je-jeko and -ñe-moro’ysã, from -jeko ‘break (tr.)’ and -moro’ysã ‘make cold,’ which are associated with the underived intransitives -jeka ‘break (intr.)’ and -o’ysã ‘be cold/get cold,’ respectively. It is shown that the aspectual polysemy pattern extends to je-/ñe-derived predicates, but that its distribution is restricted to Class I predicates. An apparent exception to this are some Class II predicates with a ‘feigned state’ interpretation, such as -ñembotavy ‘pretend to be dumb.’ The evidence reveals, however, that these are not true states, but instead activities. Furthermore, it is argued that the je-/ñe- predicates with this interpretation are not the product of a derivation process but are rather best analyzed as an independent construction.

show abstract

“…As with the Basque construction, there is no consensus on the proper characterization of subject‐suppressing impersonals. For instance, Polish ‐ no /‐ to constructions (Siewierska 1988, Kibort 2004), which exemplify them, have been considered impersonal passives since they lack a subject (Comrie 1977) and also nonpromotional passives (Zúñiga & Kittilä 2019: 84–85) since the internal argument remains in the object position. As shown by Fernández & Berro 2021, there are many similarities between subject‐suppressing impersonals and the Basque construction.…”

Section: Passive Mediopassive or Impersonal?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Person matters in impersonality

Berro

Odria

Fernández

2022

Syntax

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The Basque impersonal is a detransitivized construction where the internal argument is the only overt argument and the external argument, although semantically present, does not have any morphological reflex. This article argues that, despite its intransitive shape, the impersonal involves a particular kind of Voice projection that we term defective. For case and agreement, being defective means having no uninterpretable ϕ features and no Case to assign. However, a silent person pronoun is introduced in its specifier position, and thus, there are two arguments within VoiceP. The two arguments compete to value the ϕ features of the next functional head, namely T. With this analysis we account for the main properties of the impersonal, such as the syntactic activeness of the implicit external argument and the person constraint on the internal argument.

show abstract

Grammatical Voice

Cited by 50 publications

References 265 publications

Voice and Valency Morphology in Äiwoo

Voice and Valency Morphology in Äiwoo

States, Changes of State, and ‘Feigned States’ in Paraguayan Guarani Je-/Ñe- Predicates

Person matters in impersonality

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About