Government, syntaktische Struktur und Kasus

Besten, Hans den

doi:10.1515/9783111355177.97

Cited by 16 publications

(15 citation statements)

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“…If we focus on languages like German, which is V/2-asymmetric in displaying V/2 just in main clauses, it might seem that the engineering problem has a clear solution. Under the traditional analysis (often attributed to den Besten, 1981), if the verb is moving to C, and CP is the root node, then the second position effect can be accounted for. German embedded clauses, by contrast, do not display V/2 because, in them, C is filled independently.…”

Section: 'Verb Second'mentioning

confidence: 99%

Syntax vs. phonology: a representational approach to stylistic fronting and verb-second in Icelandic

Burton-Roberts

Poole

2006

Lingua

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Section: 'Verb Second'mentioning

confidence: 99%

Syntax vs. phonology: a representational approach to stylistic fronting and verb-second in Icelandic

Burton-Roberts

Poole

2006

Lingua

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“…The nominative-dative inversion structures discussed by den Besten (1981) and Wurmbrand (2006) are a case in point.…”

Section: Epp Vs Phi: Two Distinct Requirements Of Tensementioning

confidence: 86%

On verb–subject languages

Rouveret

2010

Lingua

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“…First of all, movement across ein is not obligatorily overt, and secondly, in the cases in which this movement is overt, ein is not pronounceable. This again is not unique to (ein) jed-, but it can in fact be observed in the Germanic what for construction (Den Besten, 1981;Corver, 1991;Pafel, 1996). The "what for construction" is a certain kind of wh-noun phrase, whose determiner is essentially an adjectival constituent made up of what, for, and an (often silent) kind nominal (107a) (Leu, 2008b;Vangsnes, 2008a,b).…”

Section:  Determiners With Ein Beyond Jedermentioning

confidence: 91%

The internal syntax of jeder ‘every’

Leu

2009

LIVY

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In this paper I explore the elements that make up the German distributive universal quantifier jeder, and the structural relationships among them. I argue that jeder consists of three overt morphemes je-d-er, which are heads in an extended adjectival projection (xAP). Their relative order is derived by movement [ xAP je d er t jeP ]. Je corresponds to the adjectival stem, -d-is an adjectival article (which in turn is analyzed as a relative complementizer) and -er is an agreement head, AgrA. The xAP further contains movement traces/ copies of the nominal which jeder quantifies over. One of these copies is in the complement of je where, I claim, it supplies the restriction (distributive key or range). The components of the proposal are all motivated independently of jeder: (i) its morphology identifies jeder as adjectival, hence an analysis of it must incorporate an (independently motivated) adjectival syntax; (ii) a comparison with the distributive dual quantifier beid-'both' further informs the syntactic analysis internal to the word jeder; and (iii) a comparison of je in jeder and in other je-words suggests that je takes an N(P) complement, a fact that confirms the expectations regarding the selectional properties of je raised by the preceding discussion. Finally, a comparison of jeder with counterparts of it in other languages, as well as with other complex determiners in German, will broaden the scope and corroborate important aspects of the present proposal.

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Government, syntaktische Struktur und Kasus

Cited by 16 publications

References 0 publications

Syntax vs. phonology: a representational approach to stylistic fronting and verb-second in Icelandic

Syntax vs. phonology: a representational approach to stylistic fronting and verb-second in Icelandic

On verb–subject languages

The internal syntax of jeder ‘every’

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