The Borders of Punishment 2013
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199669394.003.0015
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Governing the Funnel of Expulsion: Agamben, the Dynamics of Force, and Minimalist Biopolitics

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Cited by 22 publications
(19 citation statements)
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“…In line with findings from research on similar policy measures in other countries, including Germany (Ellermann, 2010), the Netherlands (Kalir and van Schendel, 2017) and Norway (Valenta and Thorshaug, 2011;Johansen, 2013), the minimum rights approaches used in Denmark and Sweden have had counterproductive effects on deportation rates. Yet they have also allowed governments to tacitly ignore the 'slow violence' of destitution, illegalization and degradation that is a direct effect of the deterrence policies (see Canning, 2018;Mayblin et al, 2019).…”
Section: Enforcing the Politics Of Minimum Rightssupporting
confidence: 62%
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“…In line with findings from research on similar policy measures in other countries, including Germany (Ellermann, 2010), the Netherlands (Kalir and van Schendel, 2017) and Norway (Valenta and Thorshaug, 2011;Johansen, 2013), the minimum rights approaches used in Denmark and Sweden have had counterproductive effects on deportation rates. Yet they have also allowed governments to tacitly ignore the 'slow violence' of destitution, illegalization and degradation that is a direct effect of the deterrence policies (see Canning, 2018;Mayblin et al, 2019).…”
Section: Enforcing the Politics Of Minimum Rightssupporting
confidence: 62%
“…Much literature on migration control regimes focuses on the coercive state powers they mobilize, such as practices of policing, detainment and forced deportation (Bosworth, Parmar and Vázquez, 2018), and how they inflict direct, physical violence and punishment on unwanted foreign nationals. Yet migration control also operates through welfare services, which can be mobilized as instruments of migration control: for instance, when states adjust foreign nationals' access to essential social rights and services to an absolute humanitarian minimum (Johansen, 2013) or render them conditional upon cooperation with authorities in asylum or deportation processes (Rosenberger and Koppes, 2018). These policy measures, which can be understood as a form of indirect violence (Valenta and Thorshaug, 2011), are the focus of this chapter.…”
Section: Minimum Rights As Necropoliticsmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…This is achieved mainly through their exclusion from work and welfare, as well as from all but the most acute medical treatment. Since the personal identification number (PIN) linking Nordic people to all parts of formal society serves as an inner wall against irregular residents, the policy is mainly about closing loopholes (Johansen 2013), such as police controls against car washes suspected of hiring irregular migrants. In Sweden, a 'life without those "last four digits"' (of the PIN) means being excluded from almost everything, even social activities like playing on a football team (DeBono et al 2015).…”
Section: State Of Un-welfarementioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Dutch case will be especially representative for other comprehensive welfare states, which have a relatively strong interest in excluding the unauthorised from labour markets and regular social provisions (see, for example, Engbersen, 2003). In 2006, Norway opened what are called 'waiting camps', where rejected asylum seekers are jointly housed and given elementary allowances, hoping that they will eventually decide to leave the country (Johansen, 2013). Indeed, since 1993, Germany has had what is called the Duldung ('toleration') system (Böcker and Vogel, 1997;Bosswick, 2000;Sainsbury, 2006).…”
Section: Secondary Poor Reliefmentioning
confidence: 99%