2015
DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2015.1020737
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Governing Revolt: EU–North African Relations after the ‘Arab Spring’ Uprisings

Abstract: This article focuses on under-discussed external dimensions of the 2010-11 North African uprisings. In particular, it considers European Union liberal governancein the form of economic 'aid', and 'technical' and transitional 'assistance'-as both a form of intervention and a juridical-institutional force that has informed post-uprising states' development. This article also considers ways in which the EU's role in a broader security regime, consolidated in the post-9/11 period, overlaps with and reinforces the … Show more

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Cited by 11 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…The War on Terror has clearly had a pronounced impact on the organization and production of power and space in Africa (Besteman, 2017; De Waal, 2004; Gluck, 2017; Keenan, 2010; Mullin and Patel, 2015; Mullin and Rouabah, 2018; Omeje, 2008; Prestholdt, 2011). Yet the consequence of a US-centric lens—even if it is motivated by a commitment to anti-imperialism—is that Global South actors are objectified and rendered to the background, understood only as feminized victims, hypermasculine perpetrators, or unthinking proxies (Amar, 2013; Grovogui, 2006; Mamdani, 2009; Rutazibwa, 2014; Sabaratnam, 2011).…”
Section: Moving the Centermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The War on Terror has clearly had a pronounced impact on the organization and production of power and space in Africa (Besteman, 2017; De Waal, 2004; Gluck, 2017; Keenan, 2010; Mullin and Patel, 2015; Mullin and Rouabah, 2018; Omeje, 2008; Prestholdt, 2011). Yet the consequence of a US-centric lens—even if it is motivated by a commitment to anti-imperialism—is that Global South actors are objectified and rendered to the background, understood only as feminized victims, hypermasculine perpetrators, or unthinking proxies (Amar, 2013; Grovogui, 2006; Mamdani, 2009; Rutazibwa, 2014; Sabaratnam, 2011).…”
Section: Moving the Centermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The debate on authoritarian diffusion is relatively new and reflects mounting fears for the crisis of liberalism and ‘the end of the end of history’ (Kagan, 2009; Schmitter, 2015; Diamond et al ., 2016; Cassani and Tomini, 2019). While the actual success of authoritarian diffusion initiatives is a matter of debate (Tansey, 2016; Way, 2016; Chou, 2017), its study has opened up interesting and much needed conversations about the transnational dimension of authoritarianism, including studies that centre the international complicities that guarantee its survival (Ambrosio, 2014; Mullin and Patel, 2015; Gervasio and Teti, 2021; Topak et al ., 2022) and comparative studies that question the practical and theoretical distinction between democracy and authoritarianism in an era of ‘democratic pessimism’ (Tagma et al ., 2013; Teti and Mura, 2013; Wood, 2017). This article builds on this scholarship, but also expands it by focusing on another – less investigated – dimension of how political authoritarianism travels internationally: its discursive and narrative form.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, the EU and ifi s have not only remained blind to the popular demands for a rejection of neoliberal policies but have increased the power of the transnational security agenda that operates in tandem with it. 110 In fact, while the new EU 2020 Migration Pack111 has highlighted a fundamental truth, that 'every action has implications for others,' too much emphasis continues to be put on crisis management, fighting migrant smuggling and providing border control. The issue of solidarity is mentioned but, once again, in relation to practices of search and rescue, pressure and crisis.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%