Good Guys with Guns: The Appeal and Consequences of Concealed Carry

Steidley, Trent

doi:10.1177/0094306117725085rr

Cited by 7 publications

(15 citation statements)

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“…Men and boys in many contexts-including policing (J. Brown 2007;Martin 1980;Prokos and Padavic 2002), the military (Barrett 1996;Bonnes 2022;Britton and Williams 1995;Pershing 2006), prisons (Contreras 2012;Jenness and Fenstermaker 2016), fraternities (Nuwer 2002;Sanday 2007), civilian firearms schools (Carlson 2015;Shapira and Simon 2018;Stroud 2015), and hollywood talent agencies (Simon 2019)-accomplish masculinity through the dominance and degradation of the feminine. This systematic devaluation of femininity, called femmephobia, works to maintain the gender binary, patriarchal systems, and gendered violence (hoskin 2019, 2020).…”

Section: Gendered and Racialized Organizationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

ESSENTIALIZED UTILITY: Organizational Adaptation to Diversity Initiatives

Simon

2023

Gender & Society

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Contemporary U.S. organizations are increasingly adopting diversity initiatives. However, what diversity means and how these efforts are implemented remain contested. This article uses the case of women in policing to examine how organizational diversity initiatives can either alleviate or entrench existing inequalities. Drawing on 1 year of ethnographic fieldwork at four police training academies and 40 in-depth interviews with officers, I argue that during the onboarding process, police departments use women to bolster the existing masculine organizational ethos of policing. Police departments use a framework of essentialized utility, in which essentialized perspectives of minoritized groups—in this case, women—are used to reify organizational inequalities.

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Section: Gendered and Racialized Organizationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

ESSENTIALIZED UTILITY: Organizational Adaptation to Diversity Initiatives

Simon

2023

Gender & Society

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“…In this context, many white Americans believe that guns make people safer (Branscombe, Weir, and Crosby 1991;Celinska 2007;Cunningham et al 2000;Dowd-Arrow, Hill, and Burdette 2019;Hill et al 2020aHill et al , 2020bHill et al , 2020cHill et al , 2022Warner and Thrash 2020). Because crime is often racialized by politicians, the media, the NRA, and popular culture through the use of dog whistle politics, white Americans often entertain irrational fears of being victimized by people of color, specifically African American men (Bjornstrom et al 2010;Carlson 2020;Cho and Ho 2018;Flores-Yeffal, Vidales, and Martinez 2019;Haney-L opez 2014;Melzer 2009;Primm, Regoli, and Hewitt 2009;Quillian and Pager 2001;Schrock et al 2017;Skogan 1995;Smiley and Fakunle 2016;Stroud 2012Stroud , 2016. Interestingly, fear of crime can actually motivate white Americans to buy guns (Anuradha 2017;Stroebe, Leander, and Kruglanski 2017;Young 1985) and to endorse policies that loosen gun regulations (Filindra and Kaplan 2017;Frum 2012;Kohut 2015).…”

Section: Symbolic Racism and Gun Policy Preferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…2010; Carlson 2020; Cho and Ho 2018; Flores‐Yeffal, Vidales, and Martinez 2019; Haney‐López 2014; Melzer 2009; Primm, Regoli, and Hewitt 2009; Quillian and Pager 2001; Schrock et al. 2017; Skogan 1995; Smiley and Fakunle 2016; Stroud 2012, 2016). Interestingly, fear of crime can actually motivate white Americans to buy guns (Anuradha 2017; Stroebe, Leander, and Kruglanski 2017; Young 1985) and to endorse policies that loosen gun regulations (Filindra and Kaplan 2017; Frum 2012; Kohut 2015).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This appeal by the NRA invokes white nationalist rhetoric by simultaneously amplifying and playing on white fears of a changing racial order (Millhiser 2017). One of the best examples of this amplification of white fear is how the NRA warned that the election of Barack Obama in 2012 would lead to the end of the Second Amendment (Stroud 2016). So, it is no surprise then that many white Americans have mobilized to purchase more weapons (Anuradha 2017; Carlson 2015; Clotfelter 1981; Light 2017; Lizotte and Bordua 1980; Mencken and Froese 2019; Miniter 2016; Steidley and Kosla 2017; Stroud 2012, 2016), and some have organized around white nationalist causes (Eddington 2018; Green 2017; McEldowney 2018; Millhiser 2017; Mukherjee 2018; Neiwert 2017; Spencer and Stolberg 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Implicit Resentment and the Gun Policy Preferences of White Americans

Dowd‐Arrow

Hill

Tope

et al. 2023

Sociological Inquiry

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Although several studies have examined race differences in gun‐related attitudes, researchers are only beginning to explore how racial attitudes might contribute to the gun policy preferences of white Americans. While many white Americans tend to oppose firearm restrictions, it is unclear whether racialized policy preferences tend to support these leanings. Our analysis of national data from Wave 4 of the Baylor Religion Survey (n = 1,063) indicates that white Americans who report more implicit resentment are more likely to support policies that would increase the number of armed people in schools and allow more people to carry concealed firearms and less likely to support policies that would limit the possession of handguns, semiautomatic weapons, and high‐capacity magazines. Interestingly, white Americans who report more implicit resentment are also less likely to support policies that would expand gun safety programs and background checks that include mental health screenings. These associations persisted with adjustments for age, gender, race or ethnicity, education, household income, marital status, the presence of children, religious identity, religiosity, political orientation, region of residence, and urban residence. We conclude that implicit resentment is consistently associated with less restrictive and more precarious gun policy preferences among white Americans. These patterns are noteworthy because they support the same general conclusion: white Americans who report more implicit resentment tend to want more guns in society with fewer legal restrictions related to access and safety.

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“…SYG laws and other types of do-it-yourself (DIY) security, like the carrying of concealed firearms for self-protection, are outgrowths of neoliberal ideology that calls on all citizens to be responsible for their own self-defense in the face of danger from the criminalized "other" (Light, 2017). DIY security feeds on a widespread sense of abandonment by state and federal government and calls on law-abiding citizens to do their part in maintaining social order (Carlson, 2015;Light, 2017;Stroud, 2015). According to Light (2017) between 1990 and 2014, the number of people who got concealed carry permits increased from 1 million to over 13 million.…”

Section: Racial Bias and Stand Your Groundmentioning

confidence: 99%

Black Femininity and Stand Your Ground: Controlling Images and the Elusive Defense of Self-Defense

Benz

2020

Critical Sociology

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Stand Your Ground (SYG) laws are color-blind and gender neutral in language, providing all citizens the right to use deadly force with no obligation to retreat when they experience a “reasonable” threat. However, SYG protections depend on implicit racial and gender biases. Using the case of Siwatu-Salama Ra, the elusive nature of SYG protections is explored as it relates to dominant stereotypes regarding Black femininity. The argument is made that this othering of Black women as aggressive, fearless, and in need of discipline is a miscarriage of justice and provides the ideological groundwork for the exclusion of Black women from self-defense protections.

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Good Guys with Guns: The Appeal and Consequences of Concealed Carry

Cited by 7 publications

References 0 publications

ESSENTIALIZED UTILITY: Organizational Adaptation to Diversity Initiatives

ESSENTIALIZED UTILITY: Organizational Adaptation to Diversity Initiatives

Implicit Resentment and the Gun Policy Preferences of White Americans

Black Femininity and Stand Your Ground: Controlling Images and the Elusive Defense of Self-Defense

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