Good and Bad Muslims in Xinjiang

Brophy, David

doi:10.22459/mic.04.02.2019.05

Cited by 43 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…85 Yeh 2013. 86 Byler 2018Brophy 2019;also Xinjiang camps reveal the underlying governance logic of so-called "restive" minority regions. Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben's definition of the "the camp" as "the space that is opened when the state of exception begins to become the rule" is an apt description of what is happening in Xinjiang.…”

Section: Bowed Heads Grateful Heartsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Chinese Communist Party's Nervous System: Affective Governance from Mao to Xi

Sorace¹

2021

The China Quarterly

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In its one hundred years of existence, the Communist Party of China has experimented with how to connect its narratives of legitimacy to people's affects. In this essay, I trace the conceptualization of gratitude, from its repudiation in the Mao era as a vestige of feudalism and imperialism to its return in the reform era as a re-verticalization of Party sovereignty. The paper addresses four examples of gratitude work: Politburo Standing Committee member Wang Yang's short-lived critique of gratitude in the name of a different conception of popular sovereignty; the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Sichuan earthquake as a day of gratitude; the detention of Uyghurs in Xinjiang who are taught to be grateful to the Communist Party in a campaign of religious de-radicalization; and the refusal of gratitude in quarantined Wuhan during the COVID-19 pandemic. In these cases, the Communist Party's sovereignty stands at the threshold between bio- and necro-politics, promising life and salvation in the midst of death and destruction.

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Section: Bowed Heads Grateful Heartsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Chinese Communist Party's Nervous System: Affective Governance from Mao to Xi

Sorace¹

2021

The China Quarterly

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“…Nor do such conflicts persist only in Uyghur communities. Tensions and misunderstandings also strain relations between the Han and the Hui-usually portrayed as more integrated into the mainstream of Chinese society than their Uyghur co-religionists (Brophy, 2019). 2 Indeed, some suggest that the Hui are virtually indistinguishable from the majority Han and that Hui assimilation is nearly complete (Li & Ji, 2015).…”

Section: Islamic Minorities and The Chinese Party Statementioning

confidence: 99%

Good Minzu and bad Muslims: Islamophobia in China's state media

Stroup

2021

Nations and Nationalism

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Since 2014, observers of Chinese society have noted an upsurge in Islamophobic sentiment among China's ethnic majority Han. China's Muslims, in particular those who identify as Hui and Uyghur, report an increase in harassment, both online and in person. This Islamophobic backlash occurs in conjunction with retrenchments by the Chinese state on the right to practice religion. What gives rise to this increase in bigotry? This pilot study examines official discourse about Islam through an inductive analysis of the presentation of Muslims in China's state media. Using a process of constant comparative analysis, I examine the state media's portrayal of Muslims in the flagship newspaper, The People's Daily. Drawing from a sample of 70 articles published between 2014 and 2018, I argue that the party's depiction of Muslim minorities in China emphasizes ethnic rather than religious identities, while coverage of global Islam emphasizes Islam as dangerous and associated with extremism. I contend that such depictions carry the unintended consequence of arousing suspicions about China's Muslims among Han.

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“…Their physiognomy combined with the state discourse of terrorism and a popular “wilding” discourse (Welch, Price, and Yankey 2002), in which young Uyghurs figure as “wolfish” men (Ch: balangzi ) who sell drugs, mug and kill Han settlers, and practice an “evil” form of Islam. This combination slotted Uyghur male migrants into a persona of dangerous masculine threat (Brophy 2019). As in sequences of racialized forms of capitalist frontier building elsewhere (Mitchell 2006), they were ontologized as biologically distinct, a threat to the nation.…”

Section: The Context Of Uyghur Colonizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Anti‐colonial friendship

Byler

2021

American Ethnologist

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In Northwest China, young Uyghur men foster friendships with one another as they flee colonial dispossession in their villages and migrate to the city. These friendships, which ultimately offer forms of protection in these migrants’ lives, are enacted through storytelling about colonial violence. Their storytelling is best understood as a processual staging of social life, one that holds in tension the violence of ethnoracialization and the palliative care of homosocial friendships. The stories of police brutality and job discrimination that these young men tell are an everyday enactment of the trauma staged in Uyghur‐language fiction about colonial alienation—a narrative form that both inspires Uyghurs to tell their stories and, in turn, is inspired by that experience. In a similar way, storytelling and anti‐colonial friendship can also pull ethnographers into relations of intersubjective obligation that shape their anthropological practice of listening and writing. In some contexts, then, anthropology itself can be regarded as the work of anti‐colonial friendship. [dispossession, anti‐colonial friendship, masculinity, storytelling, police, colonial violence, anthropology, Uyghur, China]

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Good and Bad Muslims in Xinjiang

Cited by 43 publications

References 0 publications

The Chinese Communist Party's Nervous System: Affective Governance from Mao to Xi

The Chinese Communist Party's Nervous System: Affective Governance from Mao to Xi

Good Minzu and bad Muslims: Islamophobia in China's state media

Anti‐colonial friendship

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