Glottal correlates of the word stress and the tense/lax opposition in German

Marasek, Krzysztof

doi:10.1109/icslp.1996.607920

Cited by 14 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…6 Marasek (1996) did not find this, but this discrepancy might be in part due to their different methods of defining CQ, an issue addressed elsewhere (e.g. Childer et al, 1990;Henrich et al, 2004).…”

Section: Endnotesmentioning

confidence: 86%

“…2 Note that the kind of tense vs. lax contrast discussed here, a phonation contrast, is different from the so-called tense vs. lax vowel contrast in Germanic languages, which is mainly related to the muscular tension in the tongue (Ladefoged, 1964), and at least in German does not involve consistent glottal or pharyngeal articulations (Marasek 1996(Marasek ,1997. Phonetically, tense vowels have higher tongue position and longer duration than lax vowels.…”

Section: Endnotesmentioning

confidence: 92%

“…Abruptness of contact is a very important property of vocal fold vibration, as it has a significant impact on glottal flow and acoustics, but it has been hard to capture in EGG signals by annotating landmarks (Marasek, 1996(Marasek, , 1997. Certainly the PIC landmark measure does not capture this property; indeed, it patterns in quite the opposite direction.…”

Section: The Forward Stepwise Logistic Regression With Egg Parameter mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Vocal fold vibratory patterns in tense versus lax phonation contrasts

Kuang

Keating²

2014

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America

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TENSE--LAX PHONATION CONTRASTS 2This study explores the vocal fold contact patterns of one type of phonation contrastthe tense vs. lax phonation contrasts of three Yi (Loloish) languages. These contrasts are interesting because neither phonation category is very different from modal voice, and because both phonations are largely independent of the languages' tonal contrasts.Electroglottographic (EGG) recordings were made in the field, and traditional EGG measures were derived. These showed many small but significant differences between the phonations, with tense phonation having greater contact quotients and briefer but slower changes in contact. Functional Data Analysis was then applied to entire EGG pulse shapes, following Mooshammer (2010). The resulting first Principal Component was found to be mostly strongly related to the phonation contrasts, and correlated with almost all the traditional EGG measures. Unlike the traditional measures, however, this component also seems to capture differences in abruptness of contact. Furthermore, previously-collected perceptual responses from native speakers of one of the languages correlated better with this component than with any other EGG measure or any acoustic measure. The differences between these tense and lax phonations are not large, but apparently they are consistent enough, and perceptually robust enough, to support this linguistic contrast.

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Section: Endnotesmentioning

confidence: 86%

Section: Endnotesmentioning

confidence: 92%

Section: The Forward Stepwise Logistic Regression With Egg Parameter mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Vocal fold vibratory patterns in tense versus lax phonation contrasts

Kuang

Keating²

2014

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America

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“…The idea here is to include all possible acoustic information without bias from any specific preconception of phonation and tone. The EGG signals that were recorded simultaneously with the audio were processed by EggWorks [Tehrani, 2012] and three measures were extracted: Contact Quotient (CQ), which is defined as the proportion of the vocal fold contact during each single vibratory cycle [Rothenberg and Mahshie, 1988]; Peak Increase in Contact (PIC), defined as the amplitude of the positive peak on the DEGG wave, corresponding to the highest rate of increase of vocal fold contact [Michaud, 2004;, and Speed Quotient (SQ), defined as the ratio between closing duration and opening duration, reflecting the skewness of the pulses [Marasek, 1996]. CQ was calculated using the 'hybrid' method [Howard, 1990]: using the positive peak of dEGG to define closing events, and a 3/7 threshold to define opening events.…”

Section: Measurementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Tonal Space of Contrastive Five Level Tones

Kuang¹

2013

Phonetica

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Multiple-level tone contrasts are typologically disfavoured because they violate the dispersion principles of maximizing perceptual distance and minimizing articulatory effort. This study investigates the tonal dispersion of a multiple-level tone system by exploring the cues used in producing and perceiving the five level tones of Black Miao. Both production and perception experiments show that non-modal phonations are very important cues for these tonal contrasts. Non-modal phonations significantly contribute to the dispersion of the five level tones in two ways: either by enhancing pitch contrasts or by providing an additional contrastive cue. Benefiting from more than one cue, the level tones T11, T33 and T55 are well distinguished in the tonal space; by contrast, the level tones T22 and T44, only contrasting in pitch, are the most confusable tones. The tonal registers model proposed in this article sheds light on the different uses of non-modal phonations across languages.

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“…21 A study of German speakers showed that F0 tends to increase from opened to closed vowels and that vowels differ on measures of open quotient (OQ), a ratio of open phase to cycle length, and speed quotient (SQ), a ratio of opening phase and closing phase. 22 Based on these preliminary findings of vowel-related Journal of Voice, Vol. 20, No.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%