Globalisation of Asian migrant labour: The Philippine-Japan connection

Piper, Nicola; Ball, Rochelle

doi:10.1080/00472330180000301

Cited by 21 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…Canada, and Italy-at least 130 different countries in all (Chin, 1998;Constable, 1997;Grandea, 1998;Parreñas 2001, p. 243;Piper and Ball, 2001;Bell, 2001;Cheng, 2004). The Philippines has also, however, been exporting nurses since the 1960s.…”

Section: Symposium: Introduction 285mentioning

confidence: 94%

Globalization, transnational migration, and gendered care work: Introduction

Pyle

2006

Globalizations

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Section: Symposium: Introduction 285mentioning

confidence: 94%

Globalization, transnational migration, and gendered care work: Introduction

Pyle

2006

Globalizations

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“…This seems to be a pattern across different continents. Referring to migrant domestic workers in Southeast Asia, Piper and Ball (2001) suggest that not having legal immigrant status excluded migrant domestic workers from the protective labor laws of the receiving nations. However, even a temporary work permit will not grant domestic workers labor rights.…”

Section: Employers and Workers: Work Relations And Work Conditionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nepali Female Migrants and Informalization of Domestic Care Work: Service or Servitude?

Gurung¹

2009

Journal of Workplace Rights

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Nepali female migrants are among the fastest-growing immigrant workforces in the South Asian community, particularly in service and domestic work in big cities of the United States. However, there has not until now been a study investigating the work experiences of Nepali immigrants/migrants employed in the service and domestic sectors in these cities. This article investigates the work experiences of Nepali female migrants who work in service and domestic/child care work in Boston and New York, focusing on examining the type and nature of women's work, labor practices, work and living conditions, women's experiences and views about their work, and their responses to labor policies. The data for this research were collected through semistructured, informal, in-depth interviews and narrative collection in [2005][2006]. Twenty research participants (16-65 years of age) were selected using snowball sampling. The cases of Nepali women reported here support existing literature asserting that migrant/immigrant women are greatly involved and preferred in domestic (including child care) work, and that they encounter labor exploitation, emotional abuse, and prejudice. By demonstrating the downward occupational mobility/status of educated professional Nepali female migrants, however, this study also deconstructs the myths *The first version of this article was presented at about domestic/child care workers (for example, that they come from impoverished and nonprofessional backgrounds; this is not necessarily true). The downward mobility of Nepali immigrant women is a significant factor in leading women to quit their jobs, as a last resort, when work conditions and labor relations become unbearable. Since quitting a job does not solve the underlying problems in these women's work lives, I suggest that these women need to become active in community-based social and political organizations to learn about workers' rights.

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“…Limited state budgets often mean that labour attachés are few in number. On the international political level, an additional issue is the dynamic between sending and receiving governments and the naturally weaker bargaining position of the migrants and the sending states -assuming that sending governments place any importance on the protection of their overseas workers (Piper & Ball, 2001). This explains why bilateral agreements and memoranda of understanding are so hard to conclude, and even where exist, never include clauses providing protection and rights for migrants.…”

Section: State-level Actors/interestsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender and Migration Policies in Southeast and East Asia: Legal Protection and Sociocultural Empowerment of Unskilled Migrant Women

Piper

2004

Singap J Trop Geogr

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This paper is concerned with how existing migration policies affect individual migrant women's choices, in particular, with the advancement, or consolidation, of a migrants' rights perspective. The focus is thereby on those migrants classified as unskilled, who constitute the largest and most vulnerable category among migrants. The analysis of migration policies has conventionally been approached from a state/government-centred viewpoint that sees states as the key actors. This paper, however, emphasises a larger number of actors -governmental and non-governmental -as well as the power relations among them to argue that protection through "legal regulation" in the absence of actual implementation is an incomplete solution to alleviate unfair labour conditions that migrants in general, and migrant women specifically, experience. Measures designed to "protect" migrants must be accompanied by measures that empower them, a role that has largely been taken on by existing migrant worker non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Focussing on intra-Asian migration flows in which Southeast Asia is the main labour sender and East Asia the receiver of Southeast Asian migrants, the paper explores the nexus between law and civic activism in the specific subject area of international labour migration and its gender implications.

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Globalisation of Asian migrant labour: The Philippine-Japan connection

Cited by 21 publications

References 11 publications

Globalization, transnational migration, and gendered care work: Introduction

Globalization, transnational migration, and gendered care work: Introduction

Nepali Female Migrants and Informalization of Domestic Care Work: Service or Servitude?

Gender and Migration Policies in Southeast and East Asia: Legal Protection and Sociocultural Empowerment of Unskilled Migrant Women

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