“…The development of transitional justice also follows a broader normative shift in global politics that includes human rights as important elements of international affairs and foreign policy (Thomas 2001;Brysk 2009). It also reflects an institutional response to continuing occurrence of mass atrocity, such as the genocides in Bosnia and Rwanda, which in the post-Cold War era have come to be treated as threats to international peace and stability and have contributed directly to the creation of international justice institutions (Sikkink 2009).…”
The article contributes to the 'second wave' norm diffusion literature by offering a new theoretical lens through which to explain unexpected policy outcomes of international normative interventions. Specifically, the article aims to challenge the international norms scholarship by questioning what power international norms actually have in domestic politics of adopting states. To answer this question I analyse the process of diffusion, contestation, and localisation of transitional justice norms -ways of dealing with legacies of past violence -in the Western Balkans. I choose three principal transitional justice concepts -truth, justice, and reconciliation -and analyse how their local meaning in the Western Balkans diverged normatively from that of international transitional justice advocates, and to what political effect. I trace the processes of normative divergence of international transitional justice norms to demonstrate how the domestic understanding of international norms produced new meanings and practices and fundamentally challenged the principal assumptions behind the global governance of post-conflict reconstruction.
“…The development of transitional justice also follows a broader normative shift in global politics that includes human rights as important elements of international affairs and foreign policy (Thomas 2001;Brysk 2009). It also reflects an institutional response to continuing occurrence of mass atrocity, such as the genocides in Bosnia and Rwanda, which in the post-Cold War era have come to be treated as threats to international peace and stability and have contributed directly to the creation of international justice institutions (Sikkink 2009).…”
The article contributes to the 'second wave' norm diffusion literature by offering a new theoretical lens through which to explain unexpected policy outcomes of international normative interventions. Specifically, the article aims to challenge the international norms scholarship by questioning what power international norms actually have in domestic politics of adopting states. To answer this question I analyse the process of diffusion, contestation, and localisation of transitional justice norms -ways of dealing with legacies of past violence -in the Western Balkans. I choose three principal transitional justice concepts -truth, justice, and reconciliation -and analyse how their local meaning in the Western Balkans diverged normatively from that of international transitional justice advocates, and to what political effect. I trace the processes of normative divergence of international transitional justice norms to demonstrate how the domestic understanding of international norms produced new meanings and practices and fundamentally challenged the principal assumptions behind the global governance of post-conflict reconstruction.
“…Note 1. This point is of course contested, as constructivists contend that a state's identity and interests can change toward prioritizing human rights abroad (Finnemore 2004;Brysk 2009). …”
“…As discussed below, the call for greater political space to further an emancipatory approach to human security is not concerned with factors that would allow or encourage more actors to more fully adopt a liberal approach to human security (though there are studies that address this: Kerr et al 2003;Hataley and Nossal 2004;Brysk 2005;Fischer 2005). Nor is it concerned with simply increasing the role for civil society actors, as in their current forms, these actors at times tend to support the status quo, the mechanisms of liberal peacebuilding which are actually the technology through which space is controlled and narrowed.…”
Section: Creating Space For Counter-hegemonic Practices: the Role Of mentioning
The human security agenda, as currently operationalized by the majority of powerful states and institutions, exhibits a distinct liberal character, simultaneously contributing to and legitimizing the dominant liberal peacebuilding approach. As such, there has been a crowding out of alternative conceptions of human security, including those which focus on emancipation. This latter approach to human security offers a more transformative vision through its focus on issues such as hegemony, power, and freedom. Paths to such forms of human security have yet to materialize, largely due to the characteristics of a liberal-internationalist approach which has narrowed the political space in which challenges to the status quo can be imagined and realized. In its failure to allow for a genuine plurality of voices and in its insistence on creating false consensus, liberal peacebuilding blocks the emancipatory promise of a genuine shift from state to human security. A potential starting point for imagining alternatives to liberal peacebuilding and thus the creation of emancipatory forms of human security is to consider the role and possibilities for agonistic modes of politics and peacebuilding. Transforming inevitable differences that are part of human society into agonistic relationships-where differences exist and are negotiated among adversaries (as opposed to enemies)-opens up the political space required to challenge dominant liberal approaches to human security and enables a shift toward the emancipatory model.To negate the political does not make it disappear, it only leads to bewilderment in the face of its manifestations and to impotence in dealing with them (Mouffe 1993:140)
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