Ghosts, Ifaluk, and Teleological Functionalism

Abstract

FALUK,' a'small atoll in the Central Carolines (Micronesia), is inhabited by I about 250 people, whose culture, with minor exceptions, reveals very few indications of acculturation.2 The subsistence economy consists of fishing and horticulture, the former being men's work and the latter, women's. Politically, the society is governed by five hereditary chiefs, who are far from "chiefly," however, in their external characteristics. Descent is matrilineal and residence is matrilocal. Though clans and lineages are important social groups, the extended family is the basic unit for both economic and socialization functions. This culture is particularly notable for its ethic of non-aggression, and its emphasis on helpfulness, sharing, and c~operation.~ Ifaluk religion asserts the existence of two kinds of supernatural beings, or a h : high gods and ghosts. The former, though important, do not play as significant a role in the daily lives of the people as the latter. Ghosts are of two varieties-benevolent and malevolent. Benevolent ghosts (ahsisalup) are the immortal souls of the benevolent dead, while malevolent ghosts (alusengau) are the souls of the malevolent dead. One's character in the next world is thus not a reward or punishment for activity in this one, but rather a persistence in time and space of one's mortal character.Malevolent ghosts delight in causing evil. They are not only ultimately responsible for all immoral behavior, but, more importantly, for illness which they cause by indiscriminately possessing any member of their lineage. Benevolent ghosts attempt to help the people, and with their assistance the shaman may exorcise the malevolent spirits. These malevolent ghosts are the most feared and hated objects in Ifaluk by persons of all ages and both sexes. This fear and hatred, found on both a conscious and unconscious level, is attested to by abundant evidence, derived from linguistics, overt behavior, conscious verbal attitudes, projective tests, and dreamsa4 As a consequence, most Ifaluk ceremonial life is concerned with these alusengau, and much of their nonceremonial life is preoccupied with them.We must now ask ourselves, what are the functions of the belief in the a h in Ifaluk?6 On a manifest level this belief is both functional and dysfunctional, The field work, on which this paper is based, took place in 1947-1948 as part of the Co-

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