German inherent datives and argument structure

McFadden, Thomas

doi:10.1075/slcs.75.05mcf

Cited by 42 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 28 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…It is generally assumed that dative is assigned in a different projection than accusative, both for indirect objects of ditransitive verbs and for single objects of noncanonical case marking verbs (e.g., Meinunger 2006;McFadden 2006). Some accounts also suggest that upon encountering a dative verb, the lexical entry of the object NP has to be reaccessed to check for dative morphology, independently of the animacy of the NPs (this explanation was used by Hopf et al 1998; see also Bayer et al 2001).…”

Section: Restructuring the Syntactic Representationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the interplay of object animacy and verb type during sentence comprehension in German: ERP evidence from the processing of transitive dative and accusative constructions

et al. 2017

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Comprehension of transitive sentences relies on different kinds of information, like word order, case marking, and animacy contrasts between arguments. When no formal cues like case marking or number congruency are available, a contrast in animacy helps the parser to decide which argument is the grammatical subject and which the object. Processing costs are enhanced when neither formal cues nor animacy contrasts are available in a transitive sentence. We present an ERP study on the comprehension of grammatical transitive German sentences, manipulating animacy contrasts between subjects and objects as well as the verbal case marking pattern. Our study shows strong object animacy effects even in the absence of violations, and in addition suggests that this effect of object animacy is modulated by the verbal case marking pattern.

show abstract

Section: Restructuring the Syntactic Representationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the interplay of object animacy and verb type during sentence comprehension in German: ERP evidence from the processing of transitive dative and accusative constructions

et al. 2017

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…It is well established that as an inherent Case, German dative retains its identity even when it is borne by the object of a passive verb. And unlike an accusative, the German dative object in a passive cannot interact with T to value T's uφ (see (53), adapted from McFadden ).…”

Section: Evidence From “Upward” Complementizer Agreementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“… German datives cannot be agreed with or raised to Spec,TP even in passives (see McFadden , among others). I assume they do not count in the calculation of closeness for the relation (Agree (T, DP uCase )) in (23). …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Delayed Valuation: A Reanalysis of Goal Features, “Upward” Complementizer Agreement, and the Mechanics of Case

Carstens

2015

Syntax

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…German dative objects of two-place verbs differ from accusative objects not only in syntactic behavior (Fanselow, 2000;McFadden, 2006), but also in semantic properties. They cover different ranges of possible thematic roles.…”

Section: Case?mentioning

confidence: 96%

Case Matching and Conflicting Bindings Interference

Logacev

Vasishth

2011

Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Similarity-based interference (SBI) has recently gained more attention in the domain of sentence processing (e.g. Gordon et al., 2007). In this paper we demonstrate that similarity can also have facilitative effects on processing, a finding that interference theories such as Gordon et al's cannot explain. We offer an explanation for such interference effects as well as the facilitative effects in terms of independently motivated assumptions about the structure of memory representations (Hommel, 1998; inter alia). An attractive aspect of this explanation of similarity-based interference and facilitation effects is that so-called case-matching phenomena can also be accounted for. To this end we present two experiments: In Experiment 1 we demonstrate that case matching can occur even with noncoreferent NPs, given a sufficient level of similarity. In Experiment 2 we show that case matching is really driven by abstract case proper as opposed to other properties canonically associated with it. In sum, we provide a unified explanation for interference, facilitation and case-matching effects. A broader implication of this account is that case ambiguities are not resolved immediately but rather the multiple representations are maintained in parallel---a mechanism that is clearly not compatible with serial parsing strategies.Acknowledgments We would like to thank Gisbert Fanselow for very helpful suggestions concern-

show abstract

German inherent datives and argument structure

Cited by 42 publications

References 28 publications

On the interplay of object animacy and verb type during sentence comprehension in German: ERP evidence from the processing of transitive dative and accusative constructions

On the interplay of object animacy and verb type during sentence comprehension in German: ERP evidence from the processing of transitive dative and accusative constructions

Delayed Valuation: A Reanalysis of Goal Features, “Upward” Complementizer Agreement, and the Mechanics of Case

Case Matching and Conflicting Bindings Interference

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About